Mr. GRATTAN then said: with respect to the business of going into the supply, it had been his opinion that it would be highly improper, until the two Houses had provided for the deficiency in the third estate, which they had now done, by addressing His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales to take upon himself the government of the realm during His Majesty's present indisposition. Any step previous to this would not only have been improper, but, he would say, unconstitutional. But having now done with that business, and resting in confident expectation that His Royal Highness will accept the regency, and having weighed with great attention the arguments of the right honourable gentleman (the Chạncellor of the Exchequer), he was disposed to accelerate, as much as possible, the public business. The right honourable gentleman had declared, that there was still time to pass the money bills. He was convinced the right honourable gentleman was right; and, therefore, he and the gentleman with whom he acted, stood clear of any imputation or blame that might arise from delay. He and his friends, the country gentlemen of Ireland, had acted upon principle, and he rejoiced that in so doing no inconvenience had been laid upon the country. It had been his intention to continue the duties and loans by short money bills, and he had in view, as a precedent, the short money bill of 1779, which, by the way, he observed, though productive of the greatest good, had produced to the country none of the inconveniencies which gentlemen had seemed to apprehend. He was, however, willing to be counselled in the present case by the right honourable the Chancellor of the Exchequer in the mode of procedure; for he agreed with him, that the spirit of the standing orders of the House, whether these orders had been received or not, was a necessary guard, intended to stop any improvident grant of the public money. He proposed, therefore, for the present, to let the necessary bills be passed in the most expeditious way, observing all the usual forms, and keeping still open the committee of accounts, whereby the House might, at a future period of the session, investigate the public revenue and expences, with the greatest accuracy. He concluded with observing, that he would not have ventured to consent to these measures, had he not first consulted that most respectable description of persons, the country gentlemen; they were for going on with the public business, and he was ever happy in agreeing with their wishes.

The order of the day, "That the House do take His Excellency the Lord-lieutenant's speech into consideration," was then agreed to. The House went into a committee of supply; and the

motion, that a supply be granted to His Majesty, passed unanimously.

ON this day the Lords and Commons, with the Chancellor and Speaker at their head, went in procession to the Castle, to wait on the Lord-lieutenant with their address, to be transmitted by His Excellency to His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales ; and when the House met, the Speaker informed them that they had attended the Lord-lieutenant, and that His Excellency had returned the following answer:

"Under the impressions which I feel of my official duty, and of the oaths which I have taken, as chief governor of Ireland, I am obliged to decline transmitting this address to Great Britain; for I cannot consider myself warranted to lay before the Prince of Wales an address, purporting to invest His Royal Highness with power to take upon him the government of this realm, before he shall be enabled by law so to do."

Mr. GRATTAN said it would be highly improper to enter into any business after such an answer had been received; and, in order to consider what steps were necessary to be taken, he should move the question of adjournment. He hoped the House on this important occasion would act with dignity, temper and decision. He therefore moved, that the House do adjourn till to-morrow.

This motion was unanimously agreed to; and the House adjourned accordingly.

REGENCY.

MR. GRATTAN PROPOSES CERTAIN RESOLUTIONS IN CONSEQUENCE OF THE REFUSAL OF THE LORD LIEUTENANT TO TRANSMIT THE ADDRESS.

February 20. 1789.

MR. FITZHERBERT (secretary) moved, that the answer of the Lord-lieutenant be entered on the journals. After a few words from Mr. Todd Jones and Mr. Grattan, who said, I am

satisfied to let the answer be entered on the journals, in order to make way for some resolutions which I intend to propose, as necessary to carry the intention of the two Houses into effect, and as a vindication of their honour and constitutional conduct. The motion was agreed to.

Mr. GRATTAN then moved, "That His Excellency the Lordlieutenant, having thought proper to decline to transmit to His Royal Highness George Prince of Wales the address of both Houses of Parliament, a competent number of members be appointed by this House to present the said address to his Royal Highness.".

The Attorney-general asked what number were to be appointed.

Mr. GRATTAN explained: that he had left the number at large, and made use of the words "competent number," because he did not wish to conclude the Lords; and, as it was always the practice that two members of the House of Commons should be named for one of the other House, in cases where both Houses acted in concert by a deputation, he wished the Lords first to name their number, and the Commons would afterwards appoint twice so many.

The measure was strongly opposed by the Attorney-general and Mr. Parsons (afterwards Lord Ross). It was, however, carried without a division.

Mr. GRATTAN then moved, "That Mr. Connolly do attend the Lords with the said resolution, and acquaint them that this House requests them to appoint members of their own body, to join with the members of the Commons in presenting the said address;" which motion was agreed to.

Mr. GRATTAN then moved, "That the answer of His Excellency the Lord-lieutenant should be read;" which being done,

Mr. GRATTAN said: I do not think it possible after the answer we have just heard, that any gentleman can entertain a doubt of the necessity of our coming to some resolutions to maintain the dignity and privileges of Parliament. Sir, we were wise in adjourning last night to give time to deliberate; — it was an awful pause; a solemn interval, and will give weight and consequence to the measures we may adopt. In any controversy with the chief governor, it becomes us to observe the most punctilious ceremony, and in the particular case before the House tenfold attention is necessary, because it is to remain a record and a precedent upon your journals; because it is a case on which the privileges of the country depend. Our conduct, therefore, should be founded in law and the constitution, and should be even respectful to the chief governor who has

maligned our proceedings. I will, therefore, move a resolution, the truth of which no man can deny; and if it be admitted, the Lord-lieutenant's answer must necessarily be disallowed. He then moved, "That in addressing His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales to take upon himself the government of this country, on the behalf and in the name of His Majesty, during His Majesty's present indisposition, and no longer, the Lords and Commons of Ireland have exercised an undoubted right, and discharged an indispensable duty, to which, in the present emergency, they alone are competent."

This was strongly opposed by the Chancellor of the Exchequer (Sir J. Parnell), Serjeant Toler, Serjeant Hewit, and the Attorney-general (Fitzgibbon), who said, this was a measure that committed the two countries; the principles of the address were pernicious and unconstitutional; that the claim set up by the two Houses of Parliament was illegal and unfounded; that the connexion between the two crowns was shaken by it, and the security by which men held their property in Ireland was endangered; that the Lords and Commons of Ireland had not a shadow of right to provide, by their authority, for the executive government of Ireland; and if the Lord-lieutenant had transmitted the address, he would have subjected himself to impeachment.

It was supported by Mr. Forbes, Mr. Bushe, Mr. Arthur Brown, Mr. Curran, and Mr. Charles O'Neill. They denied the doctrine laid down by the Attorney-general, and contended that the Regent of England was not, de jure, Regent of Ireland; and this even the debates in the English Parliament admitted; that the conduct of the Lord-lieutenant was deserving of censure, in setting up his opinion against the legal act of the two Houses of Parliament. A stigma had been cast upon the proceedings of the two Houses of Parliament of Ireland, and their dignity required a vindication.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer moved an amendment to the resolution, by inserting after the word "country," and before the word "on," the following words, "according to the laws and constitution of this realm." This was agreed to; and the question being put on the motion thus amended, the House divided; Ayes 130, Noes 71. Tellers for the Ayes, Sir John Blaquiere and Mr. Browne; for the Noes, the Attorney-general and Serjeant Toler.

Mr. GRATTAN then addressed the House: Sir, I did not take up your time on the last question, which has been just carried. It was a moment for acting, not speaking. Having now asserted your rights, I hope no members will hereafter be so indecent, so unconstitutional, or so extravagant, as to combat them.

No man now, I hope, will presume to affirm, that an English regent, made by English statute, has any authority in

this kingdom, unless he shall be also made regent in Ireland by the consent and advice of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and the Commons of Ireland.

No member will now, I hope, presume to call your addresses illegal. No member will now attempt to say, that the principles they contain are pernicious. No man will now attempt to say, that a Lord-lieutenant, taking his commission under the authority of a regent, invited by this address, is liable to impeachment. No nian will now, I hope, resort to such a mean artifice to undermine the new government.

Your resolution has imposed on these assertions, I hope, becoming silence. You have asserted your rights; you have deputed a committee of your own members to present your address to the Prince of Wales; it remains for you now to censure the Viceroy.

I now move, that it be resolved, "That His Excellency the Lord-lieutenant's answer to both Houses of Parliament, requesting him to transmit their address to His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales is ill-advised; contains an unwarranted and unconstitutional censure on the proceedings of both Houses of Parliament, and attempts to question the undoubted rights and privileges of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and the Commons of Ireland."

This was opposed by Sir Frederick Flood, Mr. H. L. Rowley, Mr. Parsons, and the Attorney-general, who moved the following amendment: "Although this House cannot know the impressions of official duty, nor the obligations of the oath under which His Excellency feels himself obliged to act, and although His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales is not as yet invested with the powers of Regent in Great Britain.'

Mr. Parsons attacked the conduct of Mr. Grattan throughout the entire of this proceeding, and accused him of want of consistency. "If the title-deed of my property (said he) was a king's letter, and, in the moment of his distress, I hurried, with indecent haste, to strip him, defenceless as he lay, of his robes of royalty, I should be inconsistent."

Mr. GRATTAN replied: I am sure the House would think me extremely ill-bred, were I, at this late hour, to waste their time in answering the honourable gentleman; I shall not, therefore, be guilty of such ill-breeding. I shall only observe on one point: Sir, I do not owe my property to a king's letter; I hold my property by the same tenure the House of Brunswick holds the throne of these realms — the gift of the people and the constitution.

The question was put on the amendment, and the House divided; Ayes 78, Noes 119; Majority against the amendment of the Attorney-general 41. Tellers for the Ayes, Right Hon