every experiment, to be the best and only true policy;-let us then as a Nation be just;-let us fulfil the public Contracts which Congress had undoubtedly a right to make for the purpose of carrying on the War, with the same good faith we suppose ourselves bound to perform our private engagements; in the mean time, let an attention to the chearful performance of their proper business as Individuals and as Members of Society, be earnestly inculcated on the Citizens of America, then will they strengthen the hands of Government and be happy under its protection,- every one will reap the fruits of his labours,- every one will enjoy his own acquisitions, without molestation and without danger.

In this state of absolute Freedom and perfect security, who will grudge to yield a very little of his property to support the common interest of Society, and ensure the protection of Government? Who does not remember the frequent declarations at the commencement of the War, that we should be compleatly satisfied, if at the expence of one half we could defend the remainder of our possessions? Where is the Man to be found who wishes to remain indebted for the defence of his own person and property, to the exertions, the bravery, and the blood of others, without making one generous effort to repay the debt of honor and of gratitude? In what part of the Continent shall we find any Man, or body of Men, who would not blush to stand up and propose measures purposely calculated to rob the Soldier of his stipend and the Public Creditor of his due? and were it possible that such a flagrant instance of injustice could ever happen, would it not excite the general indignation and tend to bring down upon the Author of such Measures, the aggravated vengence of Heaven? -If after all, a spirit of disunion or a temper of obstinacy and perverseness, should manifest itself in any of the States, if such an ungracious disposition should attempt to frustrate all the happy effects that might be expected to flow from the

Union, if there should be a refusal to comply with the requisitions for Funds to discharge the Annual interest of the Public debts, and if that refusal should revive again all those jealousies and produce all those evils which are now happily removed,Congress, who have in all their transactions shewn a great degree of magninimity and justice, will stand justified in the sight of God & Man;-and the State alone which puts itself in opposition-to the aggregate Wisdom of the Continent, and follows such mistaken and pernicious Councils, will be responsable for all the consequences.

For my own part, conscious of having acted while a Servant of the Public in a manner I conceived best suited to promote the real interests of my Country,- having in consequence of my fixed belief in some measure pledged myself to the Army, that their Country would finally do them compleat and ample justice, and not wishing to conceal any instance of my official conduct from the eyes of the World,I have thought proper to transmit to your Excellency the enclosed collection of Papers, relative to the half Pay and commutation, granted by Congress to the officers of the Army, -From these communications my decided sentiment will be clearly comprehended, together with the conclusive reasons which induced me, at an early period, to recommend the adoption of this measure in the most earnest and serious manner; As the proceedings of Congress, the Army, and myself are open to all, and contain in my opinion sufficient information to remove the prejudices and errors which may have been entertained by any, I think it unnecessary to say any thing more, than just to observe, that the Resolutions of Congress now alluded to, are undoubtedly as absolutely binding upon the United States, as the most solemn Acts of Confederation or Legislation:- As to the Idea, which I am informed has in some instances prevailed, that the half pay and commutation are to be regarded merely in the odious light of a Pension, it

ought to be exploded forever,- that Provision should be viewed, as it really was, a reasonable compensation offered by Congress, at a time when they had nothing else to give, to the Officers of the Army for Services then to be performed,- -It was the only means to prevent a total dereliction of the Service, It was a part of their hire,-I may be allowed to say,it was the price of their blood and of your Independency,— it is therefore more than a common debt,- it is a debt of honor, -it can never be considered a pension or gratuity, nor be cancelled untill it is fairly discharged.

With regard to a distinction between Officers and Soldiers, it is sufficient that the uniform experience of every Nation of the World, combined with our own, proves the utility and propriety of the discrimination. Rewards in proportion to the aids the public derives from them, are unquestionably due to all its Servants,- In some Lines, the Soldiers have perhaps generally had as ample a compensation for their Services, by the large Bounties which have been paid to them, as their Officers will receive in the proposed commutation,- In others, if besides the donation of Lands, the payment of arreareges of Cloathing and Wages (in which Articles all the component parts of the Army must be put upon the same footing) we take into the estimate the Bounties many of the Soldiers have received, and the gratuity of one years full pay, which is promised to all, possibly their situation (every circumstance being duly considered) will not be deemed less eligible than that of the officers;- should a further reward however, be judged equitable, I will venture to assert no one will enjoy greater satisfaction than myself, on seeing an exemption from Taxes for a limited time, (which has been petitioned for in some instances) or any other adequate immunity or compensation granted, to the brave defenders of their Country's Cause; but neither the adoption or rejection of this proposition, will in any manner affect, much less militate against,

the Act of Congress by which they have offered five years full pay, in lieu of the half pay for life, which had been before promised to the Officers of the Army.

Before I conclude the subject of Public Justice, I cannot omit to mention the obligation this Country is under, to that meritorious Class of veteran Non-Commissioned Officers and Privates who have been discharged for inability, in conse quence of the Resolution of Congress of the 23d of April 1782, on an annual pension for life, their peculiar sufferings, their singular Merits and claims to that provision, need only be known, to interest all the feelings of humanity in their behalf;—nothing but a punctual payment of their annual allowance, can rescue them from the most complicated misery, and nothing could be a more melancholy and distressing sight, than to behold those who have shed their blood or lost their limbs in the service of their Country, without a shelter, without a Friend, and without the means of obtaining any of the necessaries or comforts of life, compelled to beg their daily bread from door to door!-suffer me to recommend those of this discription, belonging to your State, to the warmest patronage of your Excellency and your Legislature.

It is necessary to say but a few words on the third topic which was proposed, and which regards particularly the defence of the Republic,-As there can be little doubt but Congress will recommend a proper Peace Establishment for the United States, in which a due attention will be paid to the importance of placing the Militia of the Union upon a regular and respectable footing, if this should be the case, I would beg leave to urge the great advantage of it in the strongest terms.

The Militia of this Country must be considered as the Palladium of our security, and the first effectual resort in case of hostility; it is essential therefore, that the same System should pervade the whole, that the formation and dicipline of the Militia of the Continent should be absolutely

uniform, and that the same species of Arms, Accoutrements, and Military Apparatus, should be introduced in every part of the United States;- No one, who has not learned it from experience, can conceive the difficulty, expence and confusion which result from a contrary System, or the vague Arrangements which have hitherto prevailed.

If in treating of political points, a greater latitude than usual has been taken in the course of this Address,- the importance of the Crisis, and the magnitude of the objects in discussion, must be my apology,- It is however, neither my wish or expectation that the preceding observations should claim any regard, except so far as they shall appear to be dictated by a good intention, consonant to the immutable rules of justice,- calculated to produce a liberal system of policy, and founded on whatever experience may have been acquired by a long and close attention to public business;Here I might speak with the most confidence from my actual observations, and if it would not swell this Letter (already too prolix) beyond the bounds I had prescribed myself,- I could demonstrate to every mind open to conviction, that in less time, and with much less expence than has been incurred, the War might have been brought to the same happy conclusion, if the resources of the Continent could have been properly brought forth,- that the distresses and disappointments which have very often occurred, have in too many instances, resulted more from a want of energy in the Continental Government, than a deficiency of means in the particular States, that the inefficacy of measures arising from the want of an adequate authority in the Supreme Power, from a partial compliance with the Requisitions of Congress in some of the States, and from a failure of punctuality in others, while it tended to damp the zeal of those which were more willing to exert themselves, served also to accumulate the expences of the War, and to frustrate the best concerted plans;— and