with him for a remnant, I am ready to say, “ As it is only the fag end, I will not differ with you about it; take it for what you please.” Perhaps the best use such an old fellow can be put to, is to make a martyr of him.* To Count de Mr. Hartley, a member of Parliament, an Vergennes, dated Passy, old acquaintance of mine, arrived here from 24 April, 1778. London on Sunday last. He is generally in the opposition, especially on American questions, but has “After dinner we went to the Academy of Sciences and heard M. D'Alembert, as perpetual Secretary, pronounce eulogies on several of their members lately deceased. Voltaire and Franklin were both present, and there presently arose a general cry that M. Voltaire and M. Franklin should be introduced to each other. This was done, and they bowed and spoke to each other. This was no satisfaction; there must be something more. Neither of our philosophers seemed to divine what was wished or expected; they however took each other by the hand. But this was not enough. The clamor continued until the exclamation came out, ‘Il faut s'embrasser à la Française.' The two aged actors upon this great theatre of philosophy and frivolity then embraced each other, by hugging one another in their arms and kissing each other's cheeks, and then the tumult subsided. And the cry immediately spread throughout the kingdom, and I suppose over all Europe, 'Qu'il était charmant de voir embrasser Solon et Sophocle !'" Condorcet, who tells substantially the same story, though in a more sympathetic spirit, is also our authority for another well-worn incident in the acquaintance of Franklin and Voltaire. He says: "The American philosopher presented his grandson for his benediction. 'God and Liberty,' said Voltaire,—' the only benediction suitable for a grandson of Franklin.'"-ED. * This is in reply to the following note from Mr. Hartley, who was then in Paris trying to negotiate a secret treaty of peace with Franklin : "God bless you, my dear friend. No exertion or endeavour on my part shall be wanting, that we may some time or other meet again in peace. Your powers are infinitely more influential than mine. To those powers I trust my last hopes. I will conclude, ‘Blessed are the peace-makers.' Your affectionate friend, D. HARTLEY. "P.S. If tempestuous times should come, take care of your own safety; events are uncertain, and men may be capricious."-ED. 432 ENGLISH PEACE-MAKERS. [Æt. 72. some respect for Lord North. In conversation, he expressed the strongest anxiety for peace with America, and appeared extremely desirous to know my sentiments of the terms, which might probably be acceptable if offered ; whether America would not, to obtain peace, grant some superior advantages in trade to Britain, and enter into an alliance, offensive and defensive; whether, if war should be declared against France, we had obliged ourselves by treaty to join with her against England. My answers have been, that the United States were not fond of war, and with the advice of their friends would probably be easily prevailed with to make peace on equitable terms; but we had no terms committed to us to propose, and I did not choose to mention any; that Britain, having injured us heavily by making this unjust war upon us, might think herself well off, if on reparation of those injuries we admitted her to equal advantages with other nations in commerce; but certainly she had no reason to expect superior; that her known fondness for war, and the many instances of her readiness to engage in wars on frivolous occasions, were probably sufficient to cause an immediate rejection of every proposition for an offensive alliance with her; and that, if she made war against France on our account, a peace with us, at the same time, was impossible ; for that, having met with friendship from that generous nation, when we were cruelly oppressed by England, we were under ties stronger than treaties could form, to make common cause; which we should certainly do to the utmost of our power. Here has also been with me a Mr. Chapman, who says he is a member of the Parliament of Ireland, on his way home from Nice, where he had been for the recovery of his health. He pretended to call on me only from motives of respect for my character, &c. But, after a few compliments, he entered on a similar discourse, urging much to know what terms would satisfy America, and whether, on having peace and independence granted to us, we should not be willing to submit to the Navigation Act, or give equivalent privileges in trade to Britain. The purport of my answer to him was, in short, that peace was of equal value to England as to us, and independence we were already in possession of; that, therefore, England's offer to grant them to us could not be considered as proposing any favor, or as giving her a right to expect peculiar advantages in commerce. By his importunity, I found his visit was not so occasional as he represented it; and, from some expressions, I conjectured he might be sent by Lord Shelburne to sound me, and collect some information. On the whole, I gather from these conversations, that the opposition, as well as the ministry, are perplexed with the present situation of affairs, and know not which way to turn themselves, or whether it is best to go backward or forward, or what steps to take to extricate that nation from its present dangerous situation. I thought it right to give your Excellency an account of these interviews, and to acquaint you with my intention of avoiding such hereafter; as I see but little prospect of utility in them, and think they are very liable to hurtful misrepresentations. By advices from London we learn, that a fleet for Quebec, with goods valued at five hundred thousand pounds sterling, is to sail about the end of this month, under convoy only of a single frigate of thirty guns, in which is to go Governor Haldimand. Enclosed I send a paper I have just received from Lon Vol. II.--37 T 434 ENGLISH PEACE-MAKERS. [Ær. 72. don. It is not subscribed by any name, but I know the hand. It is from an old friend, of general and great acquaintance, and marks strongly the present distress and despair of considerate people in England. * * To this note the Count de Vergennes was instructed in answer to convey to Dr. Franklin the King's satisfaction. He added: "The grand principle of the English policy has always been to excite divisions; and it is by such means she expects to sustain her empire; but it is not upon you, nor upon your colleagues, that she can practise such arts with success. "I doubt whether this member of Parliament has any mission for us; but he desires to see me, and I expect him in the course of the morning. I should not be at all surprised, if his purpose be to sow distrust between us, by proposing a double negotiation. That I can obviate; but whatever passes between us, however trifling it may be, you shall be made acquainted with."-ED. CHAPTER X V. New Attenipts to corrupt the Commissioners—Pickpocket Commerce-Too many Cooks-Indiscretion of British Commissioners-—The Wreckers Cruelty to American Prisoners-American Extravagance—Named Minister Plenipotentiary. 1778-1779. To Charles de I HAVE received your letter, dated Brussels, Weissentein, * dated Passy, the 16th past. My vanity might possibly be July 1, 1778. flattered by your expressions of compliment to my understanding, if your proposals did not more clearly manifest a mean opinion of it. * In a letter to Elbridge Gerry, dated Passy, July 9, 1778, John Adams says: “A long letter containing a project for an agreement with America was thrown into one of our grates. There are reasons to believe it came with the privity of the King (George III.). You may possibly see it some time. Full of flattery, and proposing that America should be governed by a Congress of American peers, to be created and appointed by the King, &c. ... “ Dr. Franklin, to whom this letter was sent, as the writer is supposed to be a friend of his, sent an answer, in which they have received a dose that will make them sick." Adams continues in his Diary (“Life and Works of John Adams," vol. iii. p. 179): “Franklin consulted with me, and we agreed, first, to do nothing without previously informing the French court; secondly, as the letter was supposed to come from a friend of Franklin's at the desire, or by orders, of the King, |