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together with those of the manufacturing districts, should induce the House not to proceed any further with the measure.

Lord Lascelles presented a similar petition from Leeds, subscribed by 24,000 persons; and petitions from Wakefield, Pontefract, and some other places in the West Riding of Yorkshire. He said, he believed there was a very general disapprobation of the Bill in the manufacturing districts.

Sir Samuel Romilly presented a similar petition from Westbury. He concurred entirely in the sentiments of the persons petitioning, and thought the present one of the most injurious measures ever brought forward in that House. He lamented exceedingly that such an important subject should be carried through with such precipitation, and that they should appear unwilling to hear the sentiments of the country.

Mr. Whitbread presented similar petitions from Derby, Great Bed win, and Hammersmith.

tenantry, had no interest in the present question. He believed the prevailing sentiment among the tenantry was, that this was the landlord's affair, and not theirs, for they could only pay to the landlord what they could afford after defraying their other expenses. But to talk of the labourer was altogether ridiculous. Whether wheat was 120 or 80s. the quarter, he could only expect dry bread in the one case, and dry bread in the other; and they therefore had no interest whatever in it. With respect to petitions from the Fens, he could not but express his opinion, that if any persons were more entitled than others to the thanks of their country, it was those who made land productive; but there happened to be evidence as to these fens in the report before the House.. That evidence was decidedly against 80s.; and therefore, if the persons best acquainted with land of that description did not consider 80s. as a necessary price for the protection of the petitioners, he considered it conclusive on the subject.

Mr. Methuen begged to assure the House, that the petitions he had presented that day were not signed by manufacturers alone, but that they contained the names of many land-owners, who were convinced of the injurious tendency of the measure.

Mr. Home Sumner presented a petition from the inhabitants of Croydon against the Bill, and observed, that as he had already brought up one from the same place of a different tendency, he could not but regret that while he performed his duty, he should have to differ in his opinion from any portion of his constituents.

Mr. Yorke presented a petition from the corporation of the conservators of the Bedford Level, stating their distressed state, and praying for an alteration in the corn laws. It was rather too much for gentlemen who took the opposite side of the question, to say that they expressed the sentiments of the people. That they expressed the sentiments of a part, he was willing to admit. How easy was it to get petitions signed in great towns like London? The agriculturists had not the same opportunities of coming forward as the inhabitants of great towns. The sense of the people was much divided on this Mr. Calcraft presented a petition from question, and it was therefore a proper the inhabitants of Rochester, signed by subject for the decision of parliament. If 8,700 names. The hon. gentleman dethe agriculturists could be collected toge-clared he fully concurred in the prayer of ther to petition, the difference in number the petition, and hoped the House would would not be great. The petitioners had even now find it necessary to pause in redeemed between 3 and 400,000 acres of their precipitancy. land from the water, under the guarantee of parliament, and they now claimed its protection.

Mr. Baring said, it seemed to be held out by those who favoured the present Bill, that the agriculturists were all on its side. Now, he would maintain, for he had had communications from various respectable quarters on the subject, that the tenantry and labourers in general felt no interest whatever in the price at which the protecting duty should be fixed-[Hear, hear!]-He would repeat it, that the labourers in agriculture, and even the

Mr. M. A. Taylor presented a petition against the Bill from Poole, which, he said, was numerously signed; not by manufacturers, for there were no persons of this description in the town, but by merchants and others, many of whom were considerable landholders. He trusted, that if the House should agree to the Bill, the people would sit down quietly under it; but, for his own part, he would give it his utmost opposition.-The same hon. member gave notice of a motion relative to Wills; and also of another, for a Bill to abolish the punishment of the Pillory.

CONGRESS AT VIENNA.] On the motion for going into a committee on the Corn Bill,

Mr. Whitbread did not rise to object to the Speaker's leaving the chair, but there were other orders of the day on which he wished to obtain some information. He desired to know, if the discussion on the Corn Bill should last long, how it was intended to dispose of the question on the renewal of the Bank Restriction Act. And he desired particularly to know what the noble lord opposite (lord Palmerston) meant to do in that case with the Mutiny Bill? While he was on his legs, seeing the noble viscount in the blue ribbon (Castlereagh) in his place, he wished to ask if the time for making those disclosures which had been called for, but withheld in his absence, was at hand, and if they might soon expect him to come down with a message from the Prince Regent on the subject of his late important mission?

faction, and he hoped in a manner that would prove satisfactory to the whole House.

Mr. Whitbread thought the noble lord must have misunderstood the intent of his question. He had asked if he did not propose to give some information to the House; for whatever the noble lord might have been told by his colleagues, he (Mr. W.) did think the time was come when some information ought to be given from the Prince, or from the noble lord in his place, without being called for. From the answer he had received, he could hardly believe the noble lord was the man who had been at Vienna; for what had fallen from him was but a continuation of that system of evasion which had been practised in his absence. It would be most satisfactory to the House that the information to be given should come spontaneously from the noble lord; but if no communication was to be made to that House before the Easter holidays, he would certainly move for that which he thought necessary. He repeated, however, that it would be best that the noble lord should give what he thought himself at liberty to offer, and it would then be for the House to determine whether or not that was sufficiently ample and satisfactory.

Lord Castlereagh said, he should be happy to give the hon. gentleman every information in his power, but at present he was not able to intimate to him when any communication on the subject referred to was likely to be made from the Prince Regent. When he should know such a message was to be brought down, he would not fail to give due notice of it. If, before this was Lord Castlereagh replied, that whatever done, the hon. gentleman should wish communications the Crown might have to to obtain information on any particular make, would be made at the proper period; point, he thought it would be best, that he but if the hon. gentleman wished for any should raise some question-that after information in the present instance, he some days had elapsed, he should call for was at liberty to call for it; and he might that which he thought necessary. The be enabled in that case to state how the hon. gentleman would certainly under- business of the Congress now stood, and stand that, under present circumstances, whether that which the hon. gentleman the explanations which he (lord Castle- might desire should be produced, could or reagh) could give, would be in many could not be given. That which had been respects limited. If, however, the hon. done, had not yet received its full ratifica❤ gentleman called for any information tion. Most important questions had been which he might consider desirable, it decided, and the determinations of the would enable him (lord Castlereagh) to Congress had been reduced to articles; state what disclosures he could make but these not having yet been ratified, without injury to the public service. At could not be produced. What had been present he could only say, though the pro- done, had been done (he repeated it) with ceedings were not closed, yet much had the concurrence of all the great Powers, been done; and it was important to add, and every thing had been satisfactorily that what was done, had been done with arranged that regarded the peculiar intethe general concurrence of all the great rests of this country. Powers, who had made every arrangement for upholding those decisions which had been dictated by the common interest of all. All the great points in which this country was especially concerned, had been met by all the Powers in a spirit of peace, and arranged perfectly to his satis

Mr. Whitbread inquired if he was to understand, that unless some member moved for information, the noble lord proposed to remain altogether silent on these great subjects?

Lord Castlereagh had not intended to assert this, but in the present state of

things his communications must necessarily be limited.

Mr. Whitbread wished to know if he was to understand, that at any given time the noble lord, would lay any information before the House, as a minister, or as a member of parliament?

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and looking the subject honestly in the face, with a due recollection of what had taken place in the case of the rents since 1791, he thought a reduction of one-third might very reasonably take place, which would be a most wholesome relief to the cultivator of the soil. The House was told Lord Castlereagh said, not as a minister that 80s. was a very fair and moderate certainly. price, but on what authority did they reLord Palmerston, in answer to the ques-ceive this information? Look to the retion put to him, said, if the discussion on port, and it would be found, that they were the Corn Bill should not take up much to bottom themselves on the opinions of of the time of the House, it was his inten-land-surveyors, who received a per-cent tion to proceed with the Mutiny Bill that age according to the high value they put evening. If, however, the House should upon rents, by which, according to the arbe occupied till a late hour in the commit-guments held up in favour of the pretee, he was willing to postpone it to a sent measure, the landholders were to fix future day. the price of corn on the whole population Mr. Whitbread then gave notice, that on of the kingdom. The true method of proan early vacant day he would raise a ques-cedure would be to lower the rents, which tion on the subject of the noble viscount's mission, which would give the noble viscount an opportunity of laying before the House such information as he might give consistently with his duty.

CORN BILL.] The Chancellor of the Exchequer moved the order of the day for the House to resolve itself into a committee on the Corn Bill. On the question, that the Speaker do leave the chair,

could not fail to produce the best possible effect, and would render the present very unpopular measure totally unnecessary. He was himself a considerable landholder; and from the first moment of his being so, be had always objected to high rents, as tending to prevent all good offices between landlord and tenant, and to weaken, if not in course of time finally to destroy that desirable attachment which, in his opinion, ought ever to subsist between persons so closely and intimately connected in point of mutual interests. He thought the present measure might be avoided by empowering the Prince Regent, with the advice of his privy council, to stop the im

might be found necessary, and by that means make the measure a temporary one. In addition to this, it ought to be the peculiar care and conduct of ministers to introduce economy into every department, both civil and military; and he had not a doubt but by these means the country would be relieved from its present pressure, without resorting to a measure so unpopular as the present Bill evidently was

Sir Gilbert Heathcote rose to object to it. He said, that improper motives had been imputed to the landed proprietors; but, however faulty their motives might have been, the blame was more attributable to the Government, who had given their sanc-portation of foreign corn, whenever it tion to the measure, when their duty ought to have pointed out to them that they had no right or business to interfere between two parties so situated as were the lauded proprietors and the manufacturing interests; nay, indeed, as appeared from the innumerable petitions, he might say between the landed interest and a vast majority of the whole nation. But he must now call the attention of the House to the real question, which was this. The Go-to the whole nation. He wished most vernment wanted to wind up the expenses particularly to call the attention of the of the war; the sum was no less than landed interest to the melancholy events 20,000,000l.; and in order to prevail on which were consequent on the French rethe landed interest to support them in the volution. He would beg them to recolmeasures necessary to raise this sum, mi- lect who were the persons that formed the nisters had thrown out the alluring bait of great mass of the refugees who emigrated giving their aid to this measure respecting to this country on that lamentable occathe corn laws. It was in vain to come to sion. They would find that the great any fair decision on the subject by the majority of these unhappy fugitives from means which had been proposed; the only their native land were great landed proway to meet the matter fairly, would be prietors, who had brought on the revoluby an immediate reduction of the rents;tion and the direful effects attendant on it,

§

by rack rents, and treating with contempt | in favour of it. Who were the evidence?
the calls of a suffering people, groaning
under their weight and pressure.

Men whose characters were raised in pro-
portion to the rise of land. Every land-
holder, he contended, was interested in
this, for they would gain considerably in
the amount of their rents.
If corn was
raised from 60s. to 70s. the landlord would
gain a guinea an acre; if to 80s. he would
gain 21. 11s. [A laugh, and cries of Hear,
hear!] The House might be surprised at
this. Gentlemen might laugh within those
walls, but there was but little laughing on this
subject without them. But he would prove
his assertion. An acre of land, at a low
average, produced three quarters of wheat.
If there was an increase of 7s. a quarter,
there must consequently be a clear gain of
one guinea an acre; and if the price be
raised to 80s. he fancied that on a fair cal-
culation he would not be found to have
over-rated the profits. As to the argu-
ment brought forward by certain hon.
members, that the amount of rent made
no difference in this question, he would
not insult the understandings of the House
by dwelling on it; but he would assure
them, that farmers in general were hostile
to this Bill, because it would afford a pre-
tence to the landlords not to abate their
rents. He could not agree with those
who asserted that low prices would pro-
duce idleness. He knew that among ma-
nufacturers a man might earn as much in
three days as would support him for a
week; but in agricultural labour the busi-
ness must advance regularly, and without
intermission. But who, he asked, support-
ed the poor in the great scarcity? Not
landholders or farmers, but the merchants
and shopkeepers-No one, said the hon.
gentleman, condescended, on the first
night of debating this question, to mention
the effect it would have on the quartern
loaf. A worthy baronet (sir James Shaw)
had proved that when the average price of
corn was 80s., the quartern loaf was con-

Mr. Horace St. Paul declared, that he would not have troubled the House with the expression of his sentiments, but for the precipitation that marked this measure in every stage of its progress-precipitate he would call it, with respect to the country, in not affording the people an opportunity of expressing their opinions on the subject-precipitate, likewise, as it respected the members of parliament, in not granting them a sufficient time to form their judgment—and, finally, he conceived it precipitate even for the ministers, from the imputation that might be cast on them, of hurrying it, as if they were apprehensive of its justice and policy and certainly such an opinion might naturally be entertained, for the refusal of a reasonable time to examine its expediency, displayed symptoms of such an apprehension. He had now risen to enter his protest against their proceedings, and after having given the most anxious consideration to the subject, he had arrived at this conclusion, that all legislation on the article of corn was in the present instance unwise and premature; and, however he might think a protecting price ultimately necessary for the farmer, he would oppose such a law, while we were still ignorant of the real state of the affairs of Europe. At present it was impossible to decide on this question; and it might be esteemed somewhat presumptuous to settle a price before we could ascertain the state of our currency, and our various relations with other powers. We were now proceeding in darkness and ignorance, without even that knowledge to direct us which we might have expected from its being made a ministerial question. But what must have been the surprise of the House to find that the speech of the right hon. gentleman who so modestly introduced this measure, contained no infor-siderably above Is.; and his arguments mation on the subject-nothing new-nothing to instruct. The hon. member next observed, that the evils suffered last year by the agriculturists no longer existed; there was now no glut of foreign corn in the market, no property-tax, and the war with America was now terminated; these circumstances should weigh considerably in the decision of this question. The

House likewise should consider who those persons were that promoted this measure, who the committee were that sat on the subject. Many of them were prejudiced (VOL. XXX.)

were answered only by the assertion, that they were calculated to stultify the understandings of the House. It had been said that the people decided on the measure by feeling, rather than reason. How else, he would ask, could they decide, when their families were starving? He prayed the House to pause before they decided on so momentous a point; and de. clared that although a friend to the landed interest, be considered the general welfare of the empire as more important. The bon. gentleman then enumerated the various (C)

circumstances which were connected with this question; and observed, that if the House were deficient in information on any one of these points, they ought to pause until they were perfectly satisfied. They ought to be completely acquainted with all the circumstances growing out of the situation of the times. At the present moment, when the affairs of Europe were by no means settled, when a great variety of interests were to be balanced, he thought the House ought not to precipitate a measure of such vital importance. He considered the hurrying of this Bill through the House, at this period, as originating in the grossest prejudice and ignorance of the subject. But, at the same time, he believed that there was not an individual in that House who was desirous of raising the price of corn on the community. The hon. gentleman concluded by observing, that they would assist the agricultural interest more by abstaining, at present, from any interference with the corn laws, than by pressing forward this or any other measure connected with the subject.

Mr. Vyse declared himself to be friendly to the interests of the agriculturist, which it was his intention to support, not from any partial or unworthy motive, but because, if some measure like that before the House were not followed up, the state would be menaced with the greatest danger. He was convinced, that the effect of the measure would be, not to make bread dear, but to make it permanently cheap. The Bill before the House had been, in his opinion, met with unmerited reprobation within doors, and with machinations and contrivances without. If a bill protecting the agriculturist, were not sanctioned by that House, the consequence would be, that France, who could not fight this country in a time of war, would have the power of starving her in a period of peace. From one end of the country to the other, if the object and intention of the Bill were clearly explained-if its merits were fairly described-if it were shown to be a measure, as it really was, which would benefit no class in particular, but would be useful to all-then he was sure that a greater number of persons would express themselves in favour of the proposed alteration, than had been induced to declare their hostility to it. Much clamour had been unfairly excited against the Bill; but if the clamour were ten times greater, he would support it. He felt it his duty, after coolly and conscien

tiously considering the question - after examining it, as far as his judgment allowed him, in its various bearings, to give the measure before the House, important as it was to every branch of the commu. nity, from one end of the empire to the other, his decided support. To make the legislature beloved and respected, it was necessary that they should act in a firm and determined manner. They would never be able to keep themselves in that proud and honourable situation, if, by clamours without doors, and by cheers within, they were deterred from pursuing that course, which their judgment pointed out to them as the most desirable to be followed. It was not his intention, on the grounds stated by an hon. gentleman near him, to vote for 80s. as the protecting price; but he would support 76s, and he thought, by so doing, that he should be essentially serving the best interests of the country.

Mr. Ellison supported the motion, and observed, that the assize of bread rendered the price of that necessary of life higher in London than in the country. He thought the amount of the protecting price was comparatively of little conse quence. If 76s. was agreeable to the country, he should be very well satisfied; the object was to give confidence to the farmer. It would be most unjust that the agriculturist, after sinking his capital in his land, should be open to the competition of the foreign corn grower, who, from the small burthens to which he was subjected, might undersell him. He said, that when individuals had applied to him on the subject of petitioning parliament with reference to this measure, he had endeavoured to dissuade them from any interference, because he thought the question had better be left to the deliberative wisdom of parliament, which would adopt such measures, and such measures only, as were calculated to benefit the empire in general. He was extremely adverse to the line of argument taken by those who opposed the Bill, which went to divide the country into two classes, the agricultural and the manufacturing. Now, he had always considered their interests as one and the same; he had ever looked upon the people of England as one great united body, however subdivided with respect to their pursuits and professions. No man despised clamour more than he did. They were met together to do their duty, and he trusted they would not be prevented,

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