Abbildungen der Seite
PDF
EPUB

amination, the believers were induced, by what they had feen, to eanclude with Bishop Butler," that in queftions of difficulty, or fuch as are thought fo, where more fatisfactory evidence cannot be had, or is not feen; if the refult of examination be, that there appears upon the whole, any the loweft prefumption, on the one fide, and none on the other, or a greater prefumption, on one fide, though in the loweft de. gree greater; this determines the question, even in matters of fpecu lation; and in matters of practice, will lay us under an abfolute and formal obligation, in point of prudence and of interest, to act upon that prefumption of low probability, though it be fo low as to leave the mind in very great doubt which is the truth.* Thus argued Bishop

#29

nombre distinctif des Princes de même nom, les diverses invocations tant explicites que cachées, les addreffes, les débuts, les préambules avec leurs claufes, tant dérogatoires que comminatoires, les falutations ou l'adieu final, les formules générales, les annonces de précaution, les dates, les fignatures, &c. &c. &c.' [See Didionnaire Raifonné de Diplomatique: Tome Premier, P. 257-].

[ocr errors]

* Bishop Butler's Analogy, which was republished by Bishop Hali. fax, P. 3.-Yet, is it faid, in oppofition to thofe great authorities, by an anonymous writer in a monthly mifcellany, called The Briti Critic, [VOL. ix. P. 514.] "When Mr. C. puts the probabilities on which thefe paltry papers were believed by a few, on the footing with thofe which regulate juftice, and form the foundation of religious faith, we ftand aftonished at his indifcretion." Since this attack on me, on the score of religion, I have read Butler's Analogy, and Locke on The Understanding, which before I had never read: I am more confirmed in my judgement, that I was perfectly correct, in my prin. ciple of reafoning, and perfectly prudent, in my application of it. I will repeat from Wilkins, that, Things of feveral kinds may admit and require feveral forts of proofs, all which may be good in their kinds: and, therefore, nothing can be more irrational, than for a man to doubt of, or to deny, the truth of any thing; because it cannot be made out, by fuch kind of proofs, of which the nature of fuch thing is not capable. Thus reafoned Wilkins! and I was, by his argument, adduced to add: Thefe reafonings apply more forcibly to religion than to law the leading articles of our faith do not admit of rigid demonftration rational probability is, in thefe, the ftrongest proof, which can be given to induce belief, without deluding our underfland. ings with the fuggeftions of poffibility, or entangling our convictions with the fophifms of infidelity.' [Apology, 19, 20.] I will, more. over, repeat, that the faid anonymous critic, no doubt, thinks, that he can argue about religion more rationally than Tillotson and Wilkins, than Butler and Halifax. But a law Lord is quoted, as reasoning differently from me, about the rules of evidence. Is there any law Lord, who demands demonftration in the administration of juftice; or any other evidence than the nature of the cafe allows; who prefumes

frauds

Bishop Butler, when fupporting religion; thus reafoned Mr. Locke, when inveftigating the philofophy of the Understanding; and thus taught Chief Baron Gilbert, when laying down the law of evi dence.t

"It was, however, referved for Mr. Malone, and for those who fupport his fcepticifm, by their paragraphs, their effays, and their reviews, to expect demonftration in the affairs of life, and the history of fads, before they give any judgement about the facts themfelves! Yes, the believers were ultimately deceived in their object, by their own energies, and difappointed, in their reasonable hopes, by fallible proofs; as other men are fometimes deceived in their judgements, by their fenfes, and difappointed often in their projects, by their reafon ings yet, mankind muft, in the affairs of life, truft to the evidence of their fenfes; and, in their judgement about facts, muft rely on their powers of ratiocination; though difappointment be the reward of their efforts; and though fcepticism may refufe to act, or to think; because he may fail in his fteps; or be deceived in his opinion. Geographers long expected the difcovery of the fouthern continent, which our great navigator, Cooke, failed to difcover, notwithstanding his confummate skill, and obftinate perfeverance: but, neither philofophy, nor prefumption, though difappointed in finding what was not to be found, ever objected to the propriety of the trial, or to the efforts of perfeverance, when conducted both by prudence and fcience. Yet active curiofity may difcover fomething in the poffibilities of time, place, and circumftance; but heedlefs inaction can find nothing, while wifdom is confumed in confidence. The believers were accordingly right, in their mode of enquiry, and were only led into error, by their fyftematic principles: their opponents, the fceptics, were only right by accident: if fortuitous events furnish a rational principle, for conducting daily affairs :-

Then, any thing might come from any thing;

For, how from chance can conftant order fpring?" Pp. 10-15.

Then follow many ingenious obfervations on the Sonnets of Shakspeare, which, Mr. C. contends, in oppofition to Mr. Malone and others, were addreffed, not to a man, but to Queen Elizabeth herself. We do not mean to become par

fraud, in the firft inftance; who forms his judgement, upon the point in question, like the commentators and critics, without any inquiry at all; or who, like them, prefers fecond-rate evidence, to first rate; or who, like them too, would rather liften to hearsay witnees, than truft to the examination of his own fenfes ?"

[ocr errors]

* "See Locke concerning the Human Understanding, the 20th edition,. the chapter of Probability; which is the appearance of agreement upon fallible proofs."

+ "The Treatife on the Law of Evidence, P. I-5."

Cc 2

ties

ties in this controverfy; and we muft, indeed, hear more fatisfactory reafons than have yet been advanced, on either fide, before we thall be able even to make up our minds on the question. As to the orthography on which Mr. Malone fo ftrongly relied to prove the folly of the Believers, never was fo frail an argument advanced by a literary champion and we are only aftonished that a writer fo converfant with the productions of Elizabeth's reign, as we muft fuppofe Mr. Malone to be, could be fo egregiously deceived. He might have been completely foiled by a much lefs formidable oppo nent than Mr. Chalmers, when attacking with fuch an impotent weapon as this!

In his remarks on the Hiftory of the Stage, Mr. C. difplays great depth of refearch, and acutenefs of obfervation; and though the fubject have been ably treated before, by different writers, ftill much ufeful and amufing information may be collected, by moft readers, from thefe pages. Numerous reftrictions were impofed on theatrical exhibitions during the reign of Elizabeth, and at the clofe of the 16th century the number of play-houses was reduced to two.

"The dawn of a new reign brought with it uncommon changes in the fcenic world. The contemporaries of Shakfpeare, who, at that epoch, were placed under a better regimen, almost all difappeared, with the effluxion of time, before the demife of James, in 1625. It is a curious fact, that, at this epoch, the established companies of London ftrolled often into the country; owing, no doubt, to the multiplicity of affociated players, and the paucity of attractive plays. A ftill more remarkable fortune attended the playhouses than the actors. In 1589 there exiited in, and about, London, only two; the Theatre, and the Curtain. Before the year 1629 there were

"It appears from Sir Henry Herbert's Official Regifter, that on the aft of July, 1625, he granted a confirmation of the King's Company Patent to travel, for a year. [Rym. Fœd. 18 T. P. 120.]

"In Martin's Month's Minde, a fcarce pamphlet, which was printed in 1589, without the name of the publisher, it was faid, fcoffingly: And the other now wearie of our state mirth, that for a pennie may have far better by odds, at the Theater and Curten, and any blind playing houfe, every day.'-This whimfical writer, is fuppofed to have been Thom. Naft: And this hath made the young youths his [Martins] fons to chafe above measure especially with the players, whom faving their liveries, (for indeed they are her Majetties men, and thefe not fo much as her good fubjects,) they call rogues, for playing their enterludes; and affes, for travelling all day for a pennie.'--Thefe extracts fhew better, than has yet bien done, the number of the play-houfes, and the price of admiflion to them, about the year 1589, being the æra, probably, of Shakspeare's acquaintance with the ftage."

erected,

erected, notwithstanding every oppofition, fifteen additional ftages, or common play-houses, though thefe did not all exift, during the fame period. In 1613, the Globe Theatre was burnt, by the negligent difcharging of a peal of ordnance, during the acting of Henry VIII; but it was rebuilt, in the fubfequent year, in a more commodious form, and with more fplendid decorations. In 1617, the Fortune Theatre, in Golden-lane, was alfo burnt, by negligence; but was foon rebuilt, in a handfomer style. Five inns, or common oftleries, were converted into play-houfes; alfo a cockpit, and St. Paul's finging fchool; a Theatre was erected in the Blackfriars; and during the year 1629, another was established in the Whitefriars,* While play-houfes were thus deftroyed, and built; while the managers of public amufements did not yield prompt obedience to public authority; Sir William Davenant was empowered, on the 26 h of March, 1639, to erect a new Theatre, near the Three King's Ordinary, in Fleet-ftreet: but on fome difagreement with the Earl of Arundel, the landlord, D'Avenant was obliged to relinquish a project, which he was, ere long, enabled to profecute, in a different place, and form." Pp. 185-188.

Our author again differs from the Reviewers, and from the biographers of Shakspeare, in his account of the ftudies of the bard. But he clearly and fully ftates the grounds of fuch difference; occafionally corrects former inaccuracies of his own; and generally does juftice to his opponents. This part of the work not admitting of abridgement, we must refer our readers, for a knowledge of the controverfy, to the book itself.

The author has evidently bestowed much pains on the attempt to ascertain the order in which the plays of Shakspeare were compofed; he has confulted a great variety of curious documents, illuftrative of his fubject; and he appears to have fpared no expence in acquiring them. The following extract will fuffice to fhew the mode in which Mr. C. conducts this branch of his enquiry:

"No. VI.-HENRY VI.
"The Third Part.

"The years 1593, and 1594, are affigned, by the commentators, as the true epoch of this Historie; being copied from a previous play of Marlow, entitled The true Tragedy of Richard Duke of Yorke, which they fay was firft published in 1600. There are paffages in this true Tragedy of fufficient fplendour to justify what has been faid of Marlow's mighty line. But, it is not likely, that Shakspeare would copy from a play, which he probably had not then feen. Yet, is it demonftrable, that Shakspeare may have fen the True Tragedy of Richard, Duke of Yorke, in 1595, which was printed, in this year,

[blocks in formation]

certainly. From this prior drama, Shakspeare, literally copied, in many fcenes, the third part of Henry VI; as may be diftinctly feen by inspection :

"MARLOW began his Historie thus:

War. I wonder how the King escapt our hands.
Yorke. Whilft we purfude the horfemen of the North,
He fhe is tole awaie and left his men ;

Whereat the great Lord of Northumberland,

Whose warlike ears could never brook retreat,

Chargete our maine bartels front, therewith him

Lord Stafford and Lord Clifford all abreft

Brake in, and were by the hands of common foldiers flain.”

"SHAKSPEARE began his Hiftorie thus ;

• War. I wonder how the King escap'd our hands.
"Yorke. While we purfu'd the horfemen of the North,
He flyly stole away, and left his men :

Whereat the great Lord of Northumberland,
Whole warlike ears could never brook retreat,
Cheer'd up the drooping army; and bimfelf,
Lord Clifford, and Lord Stafford, all abreaft,
Charg'd our main battel's front, and breaking in,
Were, by the words of common foldiers, slain.'

"We fee by this comparison, the fimilarity of both, and the im provements of Shakspeare, by flight additions. Take another example, from the first act:

"MARLOW:

King, Looke Lordings where the sturdy rebell fits

Even in the chair of ftate; belike he means,

Backt by the power of Warwicke, that falfe peer,
To afpire unto the crown, and raigne as King.

Earl of Northumberland, he flew thy father,

And thine, Lord Clifford and you both have vow'd revenge
On him, his Sonnes, his favourites, and his friends,'

* "This very rare book, which neither Mr. Capel, nor Mr. Ma. lone, nor Mr. Steevens, nor Mr. Herbert, nor Mr. John Egerton, appears to have ever feen, is in my library. This play, which I purchafed at the fale of the late Rev. Dr. Pegge's books, is entitled The True Tragedie of Richard Duke of Yorke, and the death of good King Henrie the Sixt, with the whole contention betweene the two Houfes, Lancaster and Yorke, as it was fundrie times acted by the Right Honourable the Earl of Pembrooke his fervants.' Printed at London by P. S. for Thomas Millington, and are to be fold at his Shoppe under St, Peter's church in Cornwall. [Cornhill.] 15951 12mo.

"SHAKSPEARE:

« ZurückWeiter »