This plan is certainly a grand one. It carries "much of pith and marrow in its attribute," and it fhews the mind that could delineate it to be vigorous in itself, hardy in enterprize, and rich in refources. We never faw a plan before, at once fo bold and fo juft, for the hiftory of our island in the middle and modern periods, yet calculated fo well to produce that final feeling, which is fo effential to actual happiness, a feeling of our national happiness under the best of Kings and the best of conftitutions at prefent.

Having thus viewed the plan, let us now advert to the execution. Of this it is difficult to furnish a competent idea, by either abstract or extract. But we will do all the juftice that we can to the author, and endeavour, at least, to present our readers with a full view of the work.

After some sketches of our arrangement," and fome "queries for information," that mark the bold originality of the author's mode of thinking; after noting, "it is extraordinary that the number of houfes in feveral cities and towns, ftated by Hume as extracted from Domesday, is incorrect in every inftance," he states to the reader, thus, "as all our maps will be conftructed on a new principle, a few previous directions may be neceffary, to render ourselves more intelligible." These he accordingly gives, and then subjoins, to fhew how near our calculations approximate to accuracy, we publish our double procefs in the following table," the title of which is, "Kent admeasured by triangles, from a Map laid down, according to its afcertained Latitude and Longitude, on Mathematical Principles." Then, with an explanation prefixed, he gives us, "A fummary Table of Lands in Kent, with their fituation, hundred, value, proprietors, occupants, inhabitants, &c. in the reigns of Edward the Confeffor and William the Conqueror, compiled from the Autograph of Domefday," in 15 pages. And he thus clears his way to "the History of South Britain, from authentic documents," of which Chap. I. contains "the Topographical, Civil, and Political Hiftory of the County of Chenth, Chent, or Kent, from the era of Edward the Con

the Third encouraged not navigation, by patronizing a Cooke, a King, a Riou, &c. contributed not to the afcertainment of a degree of longitude, by establishing General Roy's bafe; benefited not aftronomy, by favouring a Herfchel; fcience, by promoting at Douglas or a Horfley; hiftory, by the publication of Domefday; or arts, by difcriminating the grouping of Weft, or the fimple ele gance of Wyatt, we will inftantly retract our affertion."

C 2

feffor,

1

feffor, 1065, to the reign of Edward the First, 1272, a period. of 207 years."

"Throughout the whole eaftern divifion of Kent," fays Mr. Henshall, there were only eight perfons, independent of ecclefiaftics, whofe lands paid not relief to the crown on the demife of their conquerors. The eight exempted perfons, whose names are recorded, we decidedly ftate, (in oppofition to the authority of every English antiquary,) to have been feudal tenants of the Confeffor."

How perfons exempted from that effential incident of the feudal tenures, a relief, could be feudal tenants, we fhall be curious to fee, as Mr. Henfhall proceeds:

*

"Thefe men were Saxons, not Normans. They ccafed to exist, or at least to occupy fuch eftates; but the customs that had obtained were continued to their fucceffors. By fuch military tenants was the King guarded fix days, at Canterbury or Sandwich. They were fupplied with provifions at the expence of the Monarch, or, in defect of maintenance for them elves and their retainers, were exempted from perfonal contributions, or the payment of fuch penalties as had devolved to the crown within the liberties of their jurifdiction. A circumftance ftill more remarkable, and contrary to the general opinion, is here alfo recorded; that the powers and freedom of the occupants has been lately augmented; that, at the æra this ftatement was compiled, unes only affected their perfons, not property, and the inheritance was fecured to the pofterity of fuch Nobles, without burthenfome mulets. Many authorities will be hereafter quoted, to prove that the fyftem of military array had been eftablished previous to the Norman monarchs, and payments of different diftricts had been long adjufted, if their proprietors were not fummoned to discharge the perfonal attendance they owed their Sovereign as his body guards, if he visited their country. Independent of thefe rights, exalted Peers, the Saxon Princes, received reliefs from every other occupant in the divifion; from the respective lord

*

"Ibi habent de rege Cibum et Potum; fi non habuerint, fine foris-factura recedunt." Domefday, 1 a 2.-" Super iftos habet rex foris-faturam de capitibus eorum, tantum modò." Ibid. +"Pro Handfocam, Gribrige, Foriftellum." Ibid,

+ Super iftos habet rex feris-facturam de capitibus eorum tantum

modo." Ibid.

"In terrâ Sophis habet rex 12 denarios pro uno Inewardo, et de uno Jugo de Northburg 12 den. aut unum Inewardum, et de Dena 18 den. et de Gara unum Ineward. Hæ terræ jacent in Wi, et homines de his terris cuftodiebant regem apud Cantuariam et apud Sanwice tres dies, fi rex illuc veniffet." Ibid.-"De terris eorum habet relevamen qui habent fuam Sacam et Socam." Ibid.

of

*

of each manor, and the poffeffor of privileged land by Royal charter or hereditary fucceflion. The fubordinate claffes are not noticed in this furvey, because they appertained not to the Monarch, but were the property of the lord of the foil; and every service that the Sovereign required from his tenants or vaffals was extracted from the villains by their refpective owners with accumulated oppreffion. If the high fpirit of the bold yeomanry of Kent should indignantly read this defcription, or contemptuously reject our pofitions without examination, we can only lament that the ignorance or mifreprefentation of former writers fhould have reduced the advocate of hiftoric truth to the neceffity of contradicting their affertions, or difproving their conclufions. But if they will judge by comparifon, by a view that will hereafter be prefented, they will find their fuperiority in population, in privileges, in wealth, and power, as fully established as their fondeft wishes can defire." Pp. 7, 8. "At Canterbury," notes our author from Domesday Book, "Edward had fifty-one burgeffes of a fuperior description,|| the defcendants probably of freeholders, who appertained not to any manor, but rented their poifeffions or dwellings. Of the inferior order of burgeffes, Edward poffeffed two hundred and twelve,** and fuch number continued annexed to the Monarchy twenty years fubfequent. But with this clafs we may rank another description of citizens, thofe men who ftill appertained to the lords of different manors, though refident in Canterbury, and honoured with the appellation of burgeffes. To place this matter beyond all controverfy, and to calculate more accurately its population, we shall

* "Erga Dominum eujus homo fuerit." Domesday, 1 a 2."Et Uluret non pertinens ad illud Manerum." "Not more than twelve of this defcription, exclufive of burgeffes, specified in the whole county of Kent. This fubject will be difcuffed in an appropriate differtation on ranks and fervices."

+ "Quando moritur alodiarius rex inde habet relevationem "Ibid.

terræ.'

# "Vide Magnam Chartam, &c.

"Lambarbe, in his Perambulation, ftates, that there never was a villain in Kent, (P. 14, no bondmen, or villains, in Kent,) when there are 309 in a manor, Mylton, and, we believe, not one manor without them."

"Modo burgenfis gablum reddentes funt 19. De triginta duobus aliis qui fuerant," &c. Domefday, 2 a 1.

"On a farther perufal the reader will entertain little doubt that the inferior burgeffes were villains, that had emigrated from his manors, whofe property and perfon were the lords."

**« Et alios (burgenfes) 212," &c.

++"To filence the Towers's and Oldfield's, (admirers of the forgeries of Pettyt,) babblers continually yelping after Saxon liberty and the Saxon conftitution."

enlarge confiderably on this fubject, and fpecify the manors and the proprietors, prior to the deftruction of the Saxon government. We fhall begin with ecclefiaftics, whofe manors were always the most populous, whofe clients were the most favoured, who were the greatest merchants and promoters of trade, and most highly encouraged the industry of their vaffals. From fuch men did the liberty of boroughs originate, for warlike chieftains oppofed all but military retainers."

"Canterbury," remarks Mr. Henshall near the close, " contained five hundred and thirty-one burgeffes, including every defcription, in the days of the Confeffor. The Corporation were proprietors of forty-five houfes in the fuburbs. The Knights of the Archbishop, Abbots, and privileged Nobles, with their attendants, and the monks of Trinity and St, Auguftine's, who had each a public mart frequented by merchants,+ must, upon the most moderate computation, be equally numerous, and far more powerful, However other perfons were oppreffed by the Norman Conqueror, ecclefiaftics certainly recovered fome privileges in his reign, of which they had been deprived under the Saxon government. This affertion is amply corroborated by the following fact:-Bruman, the fuperintendant and receiver of the Royal income of Edward, in Canterbury, had demanded and received the customary payments from the traders not refident in the district, for the liberty of opening their packs or

"Scarce a fhip is mentioned in Domefday that belonged not to an ecclefiaftic. Vide Differtation on Trade, Commerce, and Ship. ping."

According to modern ideas, pedlars, for they carried a pack ; mereator truffellum deferens." Domesday, Chefter, p. 263 a 1.

"Land held in Frank Almoigne, (in clemofina,) in the time of the Confeffor, in Colchester, paid the Royal cuftoms, but was exempted in William's days; et tempore regis Edvardi reddebant confuetudinem, et modo non reddunt. Little Domefday, 107.-The burgeffes of Colchefter alfo enjoyed greater privileges, which we fhall exhibit fully in Effex."

"Quidam præpofitus Brumanno nomine tempore R. E. cepit Confuetudines de extraneis mercatoribus in terrâ St. Trinitatis et St. Auguftini: qui poftea tempore regis Willelmi ante archiepifcopum Lanfrancum et epifcopum Baiocenfem recognovit fe injufte accepiffe, et facramento facto juravit, quod ipfe ecclefiæ fuas Confuetudines quietas habuerunt regis Edvarde tempore: et exinde utræque ecclefiæ in fua terrâ habuerunt Confuetudines fuas, judicio baronum regis qui placitum tenuerunt." Domefday, 2 a 1.

"Scavagium, modern fcavage, SCHEUAZE, fhewage. Si abf. que licentiâ miniftri epifcopi diffoluerit truffellum mercator," &c, Ibid. 263 a 1.

vending

*

vending their wares, within the clerical jurifdiction of the Trinity and St. Auguftine's. This right was contefted under the Conqueror, and the caufe was tried before Lanfranc, the Archbishop, and Odo, the Earl of Kent. It appeared in evidence, that the collector had tolled them unjustly, for, in the early part of the Confeffor's reign, fuch church-lands were exempted from fimilar contributions, and a verdict was therefore given in favour of fuch right, and for the future the Archbishop and Abbot received fuch customary payment from the non-refident inhabitants." Pp. 14-16.

These extracts ferve livelily to fhew the knowledge of the antiquary and the spirit of the thinker, in the present writer. His knowledge appears accurate and deep, his fpirit firm and bold. Confiding in his authorities, and emboldened by his discoveries, he pushes forward with his obfervations, and minds not whom he overfets in the vigour of his course. He even takes an honeft fatisfaction, it feems, in dashing afide those republican fancies concerning the Saxon times, which have been long playing in a kind of lambent flame around the heads of our writers, but have been lately endeavoured to be charged with ruin and deftruction to all governments among

us.

On the whole, then, we think this work one of the most original that have been prefented to the public for a century past, one most calculated to promote the purposes of conItitutional truth, one moft meriting the patronage of the public.

ART. V. The Importance of Religious Establishments. An Ejay. By the Rev. Alexander Ranken, one of the Minifters of Glasgow. Pp. 136. Niven, Glasgow.

HE fubject of this fmall treatife is highly important,

THE

and though the author has certainly not made the most of that fubject, his pamphlet may be read with advantage by the illiterate, and the half learned. It is divided into nine. fections, in the first of which he treats of religious establishments in general, and proves, we think, fufficiently, that they have prevailed in every age, and in every civilized nation,

It is aftonishing that writers, of fuch high authority as Blackstone, fhould ftate, that there were no customs paid previous to the Conqueror; when Confuetudo is found in almoft every county of Domefday, and Theloneum in moft Saxon laws."