hostile territory. Emigrations of our settlers take to assume their proper appearances-it will be place every year. What the allurements may be, found that America will become a monarchical, if is a subject of conjecture. The fact itself is be-not perhaps a military and despotic government. yond dispute, that British America suffers a daily We cannot say that our wishes second our observa loss of its new European population; and that the tions upon this point. On the contrary, we should states of the union draw proportionate accessions wish for the improvement of the world, that Ameriof numerical strength from our comparative decline. ca should remain a republic; because, exteris paribus, If we colonize, therefore, it must not be to the if the least expensive government possess in it equal western hemisphere, which, from Hudson's Bay to elements of duration, and afford equal protection the Straits of Magellan, seems designed by Pro-of person and of property as a more expensive, the vidence for other nations. advantages are with the republican form of government, and should therefore be preferred.

AMERICA.-PRESIDENT'S SPEECH

London, April 20.-A variety of foreign and do America possesses many advantages denied to mestic intelligence will be found in our columns of other countries; and if she act a prudent part tothis day. We cannot say, however, that there is wards her brethren of the south, her commerce any part of it, of any peculiar importance to the must improve, and her navy acquire a permanence, public. Perhaps the address of Mr. Monroe, upon which may alter, in the process of time, the situa his inauguration as president of the United States, tions of many European states. No man can condeserves more consideration than it seems entitled template the situation of America without feelings to upon mere perusal. We have never given much of superior exultation.-In this country, unhappily, credit to persons speaking inaugural orations: they we look upon the Americans as the lees of society, are too studied, to let the real feeling of the comand vainly think that the abuse of Jonathan will poser escape; they are like showy Birmingham secure a pre-eminence to John Bull. The public goods-entirely made for sale. If we could believe should be disabused of this erroneous notion. We all that is put forward in this address, we should should watch the progress of other states minutely; think the Americans the first people in the world; where we see their virtues, to copy them; and where -we should think that Mentors governed, and we meet their vices-to correct those of a similar that every child of the United States was another nature in ourselves. Telemachus! But we are not so easy of belief.We have too often been disappointed and deceived by such addresses; and we have too long known how flourishing and courtly nations look in print, whilst poverty and oppression are their melancholy portion, in reality.

Judge Hanson's Opinion,

Delivered in Baltimore county court on the return of a writ of HABEAS CORPUS, in the case of JOSEPH ALMEIDA, who was imprisoned in virtue of a warrant issued by a justice of the peace of the state of Maryland for a supposed breach of a law of the United States.

With all the distrust, however, which an acquaintance with the quackery of politics, and the knavery of statesmen must inspire, we still can catch through the wilderness a gleam of light, that helps The argument in this case had not proceeded us on, in our road to ascertain the truth. The very far, before it was manifest to me, that the American government seems desirous to preserve a learned attorney for the United States, was entramstrict line of amity with foreign powers; at the same melled in a dilemma, from which all his ingenuity time, that they take all those necessary precautions could not extricate him. If a justice of the peace which may secure them from aggression. Their of the state of Maryland, had any legal power to revenue would appear to be in a very flourishing arrest a person charged with an offence against the condition; but then the expences of their govern- United States, it follows as a dictate of common ment are comparatively nothing. We know not how sense, that there must, independent of the laws of it is, that a republican government can keep their congress purporting to give jurisdiction to state states secure, and afford protection to their people, tribunals, reside somewhere in the state, as an essen. whilst taxes are unoppressive, and liberty of person tial component of the sovereign and protecting and of creed is unrestrained in its exercise. We power it has a right to exercise over and in behalf cannot imagine why monarchical governments of all persons within limits, a right of deciding should be so particularly expensive; especially, as whether or not that arrest was properly made; and, we have never seen that their people are more hap. consequently, that if Thomas W. Griffith, Esq. had py or more free than those who live under a repub the power of issuing a commitment, this court has lic. We are friends to monarchical government, the power of ordering a habeas corpus, and upon because we think, if properly balanced and ad-its return, not only of deciding the sufficiency of ministered, it could secure every desirable blessing the return itself, but of adjudging whether or we might covet. We rather think republics are not the intelligent officer in this case, in issuing unsuited to enlarged dominions; or where nations his warrant, acted substantially in conformity to arrive at a certain point of elevation, either com- the established principles of law, regulating the mercial or military, or agricultural. Indeed, in subject of commitment. To the warrant, in the Greek and Roman history, we have frequent in- present case, there is scarcely one among the stances of this truth; and we think, before very many many objections that have been made to it, which years elapse, that America will add another-to has not been ably and fully sustained. One sin. the examples which could be cited. The popula-gle material defect is, however, sufficient to intion is not yet sufficiently dense in America, to have validate it; and that of the omission to make it those divisions occur in property and in interests, returnable, at any time, or before any person, afwhich operate in other countries; and, of necessity, fords, of itself, ample reason for quashing all authoalmost impel them into a monarchical, if not arity derived from it. No proceeding, under the despotic form of government. But as soon as color of law, can be more susceptible of being America becomes a nation-as soon as her people wrought into an engine of oppressive power, than bear that proportion to their soil, which those of that of depriving an individual of his liberty, and of other countries bear to theirs-as soon as a national consigning him to imprisonment upon an "ex parte taste is formed, and as conflicting interests begin hearing." Every freeman has a right to be confront

ed with the witness against him, in all stages of his monizing with the state government, subject to reaccusation; the privilege is inherent, and the right gulations in their official capacities to which the to demand the enjoyment of proving his innocence people, amongst whom they be placed to reside, simultaneous with the first step of prosecution.-would be unused and averse, aud susceptible of Before, therefore, any commitment can be lawfully being made the instruments of power whensoever made, the accused is entitled to an opportunity of it might be expedient for the general government shewing, either that the act he is charged with is to avail itself of engines calculated to propagate its no crime in the eye of the law, that if any wrong has opinions, and to uphold and enforce its measures; or, been done he is not the perpetrator of it, or that at least to defeat by confounding the resort to legal however strong the evidence may be against him, remedy, in the heterogeneous process or jarring and the offence alleged is of a class justifying the dis- conflicting jurisdictions. But, notwithstanding all charge of his person, upon the production of such these considerations, I will proceed as concisely and bail as may be legally required of him. If the con- in as condensed a manner as I am capable, to predition of society were otherwise, the time would sent my view of the subject. The national governhave arrived ere now, when the occasion and the ment appears to me to stand in relation to the states, disposition would have presented themselves of as civil society does to the individuals composing deciding all such questions in a very summary way. it. Both consist of a congregation of surrendered These preliminary points being settled, it becomes or delegated rights-and in neither case can these necessary to decide the main question, in which the conceded powers be enlarged, diminished or returnwhole of the case has resolved itself. That is to ed to the parties granting them, but by their own say, whether this court has power to commit for an consent, collected in such manner, in the first case, alleged offence against the United States; and going as the constitution providing for its amendment one step further, whether a law of congress can should prescribe; and, in the second, as the laws of confer any judicial power upon state tribunals? the social compact should direct. Although the adjudication of this point devolves The several independent states have agreed, by upon us the duty of passing upon one of the greatest the constitution, to invest the judicial power of the judicial questions, that of the constitutionality of a United States in one supreme court, and in such inlaw of congress, yet as every court is bound and ferior tribunals as the congress may from time to presumed to know its own jurisdiction, we cannot time ordain and establish; and then the constitution avoid deciding whether we derive any jurisdiction goes on to define, what is the judicial power of the from the law of the United States, passed in the United States collectively, as a national govern year seventeen hundred and eighty-nine, organizing ment, as I understand it, in contradistinction to the the judiciary of the national government; and con- judicial pawers of all the states seperately, viz:sequently whether the 33d section, and indeed ma- The judicial power of the United States, shall exny other sections are constitutional. Notwithstand- tend to all cases in law and equity arising under the ing this point has been expressly decided in Virgi-constitution-the laws of the United States, and nia and in Ohio, and collaterally in the supreme treaties made, or which shall be made under their court of the United States, as may be implied from authority; to all cases affecting ambassadors, and the scope of the opinions of judges Johnson and other public ministers; to all cases of admiralty and Story, as reported by Wheaton, it is with an irresisti- maritime jurisdiction; to controversies to which ble awe that I approach it, for should our decision the United States shall be a party; to controversies be adverse to the constitutionality, we virtually ad- between two or more states, between a state and judge, that in this case, although it be a question the citizens of another state, between citizens of arising under the constitution of the United States, different states, between citizens of the same state the supreme court can exercise no appelate juris- claiming lands under the grants of different states, diction, inasmuch as we absolve ourselves from the and between a state, or the citizens thereof, and obligation of sending up the record for their revision; foreign states, citizens and subjects. From the and as so many other of the statutes of congress are word all being used in the first part of the clause, dependent for their execution and utility upon the dropped in the middle and again resumed, it has administration of them by state tribunals, the argu-been inferred, that exclusive jurisdiction was not ment "ab inconvenienti" has great weight, and is in every case enumerated, delegated to the United entitled to the most serious consideration. The law States. Be this as it may, the states, beyond all of congress before us, was passed in the year 1789, controversy, reserved to themselves some, if not all the first session after the adoption of the constitu rights not expressly given away, and having done tion; it was proposed, debated and digested by a so, they unquestionably had the power and exerbody of men, the chief and prominent characters of cised it, of creating judicial tribunals for the prowhom were themselves the erectors of our national tection of such of those rights, and the adminis Institutions. It has been acceded to and acted un-tration and exposition of laws passed in regard to der in this and every other state in the union; it has them, as they might deem proper; and if they never been instrumental to any signal grievance, or deemed it expedient to leave their citizens with complained of as a public or private evil; it has on out tribunals having authority to afford them remethe contrary been resorted to as a useful and saluta- dies in certain cases, and especially those where ry regulation; it has saved expense and trouble to the United States had clearly jurisdiction, if only the general government without being burthensome concurrent, where exists the power of congress, to state officers, and there appears a degree of pro- under the constitution, to compel the states to cre priety and fitness, that as every individual state and ate such courts, or what is there to prohibit the every officer thereof is interested in, so they shall be states from enjoying the exclusive use, for state rendered auxiliary to the execution of laws, made for purposes, of their own courts and civil officers, and the benefit and protection of the whole. The law has of prescribing as a condition of the tenure of of obviated on the part of the United States, the neces-fice, that they should, as the constitution of Ma sity of scattering at large a host of officers through-ryland has done, exercise no office of profit or trust out the communities of the different states; it has under the government of the United States? What kept them clear of creatures armed with authority, rightful power has the congress, after the adoption derived from an executive foreign from and not har of the constitution and the investment thereby of

also

judicial power in the general government, to en-whom they were employed, an increase of compen farge, diminish, or return any of its powers to the sation commensurate with the enlargement of their states? If it had a right to confer any power, what official duties; and the general government, by power has it not a right to confer, unless express these means, might be enabled to impose and exly prohibited by the letter of the constitution?act a tax, of any one or more states, in a way unand state tribunals must thus be converted into just and unequal, and never contemplated by the courts of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction. In genius of our government, or letter of the constifact, if the congress has the power of conferring on tution. Besides, the constitution of the United them the duty of arresting, of committing, holding States prescribes, that the judges shall hold their to bail or discharging without it, all of which are offices during good behavior, and shall receive for judicial acts, because they imply an act of judg- their services a compensation, not to be diminished ment and are not mere ministerial duties, it must daring their continuance in office; now the tenure possess the power of assigning to them that by which state judges hold their offices, it is noof trial, conviction and sentence to punishment-torious, varies in almost every state, and, here parSurely it cannot be contended that such authority ticularly, it essentially differs from that provided is derived from the clause that the judicial power by the constitution of the United States, and civil of the United States shall be vested in a supreme officers are expressly forbidden to hold any office court and in such inferior courts as the congress of profit or trust under the general government; may from time to time ordain and establish, and how then, can the congress of the United States, that under this interpretation, state courts may, at compel them to accept one, for which they shall the pleasure of congress, without their consent or receive a compensation, not to be diminished duknowledge, or the sanction of the state under ring their continuance in office?-Again, the manwhich they act, be converted into United States ner of their appointment is totally different-The courts; if such were the case, congress would have constitution of the United States requires the judges nothing more to do, in order to destroy a state ju- to be appointed by the president and senate; can diciary, than to assign to the judges duties under it, then, be seriously contended, that congress, by the general government, and as fast as the state of a law can, not only, ordain and establish judical Maryland created courts, congress might prostrate tribunals, convert to its own use state courts, some them until its constitution should be altered and its created since, others in existence before itself was officers allowed to hold offices under the United in being, but that it should also forthwith proceed States. To whom should we then look for the pro-to the appointments of judges thereof, without the tection of reserved rights? The first section of the consent of the president, the senate, or the judges court of the United States is clearly prospective: themselves. Certainly, such a doctrine asserts the it declares that the judicial power shall be vested power and would have the inevitable consequence in one supreme court, not in a court as it were al- to absorb into the general government all state ready created, but to be created, not in inferior sovereignty, and by thus appropriating and controltribunals in existence, but such as congress shall ling state courts-indirectly to modify, regulate, from time to time ordain and establish hereafter; abridge, invade or destroy the rights and privievidently intending these courts to be United leges reserved to the states, for the protection of States courts, responsible and impeachable by the which, they had organized their courts of justice. United States for neglect of duty or the abuse of Have the states any where expressly or by implicapower, and forming a constituent part of the judicial tion delegated any such power to the general gosystem of the United States-Again, if congress vernment? It has, however, been urged as an arhas power to return to the states judicial powers, gument in support of this motion, that in many cases or enlarge the power of state courts, why should the state courts and the United States courts, have it not have the power of returning to, or enlarging a concurrent jurisdiction, and that, therefore, the and diminishing the legislative and executive pow- judicial power does not exclusively belong to the ers, and if it could assume such power as to all the supreme and other courts of the United States; and states, what is to prohibit it from exercising it as strength is attempted to be given to this idea, from to any one or more of them? And thus at once might the word all not being used throughout, but dropbe frustrated, the wisdom and foresight of our ped, when controversies between the United States fathers in securing to the small states an equal re- and any one state are provided for. If there can presentation in the senate of the United States with be any discrimination between the judicial power the large ones-by yielding to a majority of congress and all the judicial power, it may possibly have the power of imparting superiority and predomi- been, with a view of avoiding any expression that nance to any one or more states by returning to them might be construed to take a jurisdiction from the sovereign, judicial and executive powers conceded state courts which they had before exercised, to to the general government, whilst it withheld them wit, that of deciding claims for, and against the from others-These may be termed extreme cases, United States, under the old confederation, and but it must be observed, that if the occurrence of which the constitution subsequently expressly resuch cases had not been slighted and overlooked, serves to them, that this variation of language was many revolutions of government would have been adopted.-But if this proves any thing, it proves escaped, which have involved in them the servitude too much, (there being no denial, that the national and wretchedness of millions. If congress has government has power to punish offences against its power to require of the state courts to take cog-own laws) for it rather implies, that where the word Rizance of any matters assigned or relinquished to all is used there is no concurrent jurisdiction, and the supreme and inferior courts of the United that concurrent jurisdiction existed only in cases States, it surely is not limited as to the extent of where the state courts had a previous cognizance: this demand; and under such a construction, all besides, if the constitution, with a view to the the business of the general government might be doctrine of reserved rights, gave, or recognized a imposed upon state tribunals, whose judges being concurrent jurisdiction, there could be no necesthus subjected, it is easily comprehended, would sity for the law of congress to give it; and, if the be compelled either to resign their seats upon the state courts had it not before, and did not get it from bench, or to exact of the state governments, by the constitution according to the principles I have

ed, and the order and conformity of the whole system, deranged and destroyed.

I am of opinion, therefore, whatever doubt may exist as to the extent of jurisdiction common to state and United States' courts in civil cases, that state authorities cannot act in any stage of prosecu

Manuscript from St. Helena.

endeavored to enforce, they could not obtain it by spheres, whilst its own functions would be obstructa law of congress. Whatever doubt, therefore, there may have been as to the jurisdiction in civil cases, with respect to the criminal law of the United States, I can entertain none; for, it is obvious, that previous to the constitution, there could be no criminal jurisdiction of offences against the United States any where; and, if the state courts could sub-tion for offences against the laws of congress. sequently have it, they must derive it from the constitution itself. But this no where appears on the face of the instrument; and, inasmuch as the legislative, executive and judicial powers of the state From Bell's London Weekly Messenger, of March 31. governments, consists in the reservation of rights As so much of the attention of the public, durnot delegated, and cannot in any degree be compo- ing the last week, has been directed towards this sed of concessions from the national government, singular production and its reputed author, and as which is itself made up of what the states had part- the manuscript appears to justify the importance ed with, it would be, according to my apprehension, assigned to it, we have deemed it our duty to give too great an incongruity to construe the right of it a perusal. According to Mr. Warden (a selfconferring jurisdiction to be vested by the constitu-sufficient writer, and a foolish one, but an authentic tion in congress; and it cannot be too constantly one, as far as he himself appears to be the writer) borne in remembrance by the civilian and statesman, Bonaparte was much occupied in writing; and the that if congress could enlarge or diminish the pow-natural purpose of writing is to publish and be er of state authorities, it would necessarily follow, read. If Bonaparte, therefore, had thus written that our national government would present the his memoir, either in part or in whole, it is no singular anomaly of one co-ordinate branch of a go. matter of just surprise that it has found its way vernment possessing, as a component part of it, the to the British press. Of his several visitors at St. inherent constitutional means, not only of its own Helena, there are many who might have brought dissolution, but that of undermining the basis of the away with them a letter or packet; and Bonaparte whole fabric, in the surrender, without the consent would find no difficulty in procuring persons in of the parties to the contract, who must be either England who would undertake and execute the the states or the people, of legislative, judicial and charge of having it published. We do not intend executive functions. to infer, from what we have said, that there is any Upon the whole, it appears to me, that every co-thing improper in this act of publishing, or bring. temporaneous exposition of the views and considera ing away for the sake of publishing. If there had tions of the framers of the constitution—all tradi- been any thing libellous, the English law would tional information of their conferences-and the have had a responsible subject in the bookseller. opinions of enlightened statesmen who have before Let Bonaparte, therefore, be permitted to publish and since discussed it-carry with them a weight as much as he pleases. It will be an aid to the too impressive to be resisted; and that they all con-history of the times, and will bring us better accur in converging to the position, that every exer- quainted with a character which has occupied so cise of control over, or interference with state au large a space upon so wide a theatre. thorities, on the part of the United States, where The first singularity in the work (which is only the right is not explicitly granted, has a tendency published in French) is the abrupt, and, as it were, to convert our confederative republic into a consoli- passionate style of the writer; a style which has so dated government; and that unless such construc- notoriously the characteristic manner of Bonaparte, tions are guarded against in time, at some day, a as to be an argument neither on the one side nor popular and ambitious executive might become the the other, for the authenticity of the work. In a "architect of ruin" of the liberties of the people, very foolish book, but a very interesting one, of by attaining a sufficient ascendancy to contract or that French archbishop and intriguer De Pratt, the dilate state powers, according to circumstances; to convert independent sovereignties into vice-royalties, subservient to his mandates; and, in fine, to reduce a state, as it relates to us, into a mere "im perium in imperio," and possessing no more distinct and separate rights, than the mayor and city council of a city could exercise in opposition to the legislature, judiciary and execution of a whole state; and although it may be oppositely said, that state governments, as regards the national government, ought not to be considered as sovereign powers foreign to each other; that they are all parts of the same whole, and that as the people of the states are the people of the United States, the same policy, laws, and process may and ought to pervade and regulate the whole empire, as the same blood which flows into and nourishes the heart, runs through and invigorates every artery and fibre of the body; yet to my mind, the uniformity of a constellation is more illustrative, in which the national sovereignty, whilst performing its evolutions, is revolved round by the states, on their own axis, and in their own orbits, and if in departing from its course it should approach to concussion, with its satelites, they would be jostled and obtruded from their

reader may remember several long conversations of Bonaparte related verbutim, and in which may be seen some very striking specimens of this style of the French chief-a style equally characteristic of his temper, and of the quality of his mind. Full of great, and indeed magnificent images-swelling with his conceptions; forgetting the present in a splendid imaginary future; then suddenly awakening to the present difficulty and distress, expressing himself with passionate impatience with respect to all the causes, and in the next moment resolving upon some daring remedy. Such is the manifest character of the mind of Napoleon; and such, as it appears to us, is the style which is em. ployed in the work before us.

The narrative (for such it is) throughout is in the first person. The book is an octavo volume of 150 pages, and the subject is a running commentary upon the principal events, of the military and civil life of Napoleon. Our limits will not admit a lengthened criticism; but we must notice, in passing, one or more of its most striking passages. We begin with the preface, which is bold enough, and short enough.

| "I shall write no commentary," says the writer,

(Napoleon, or some one speaking his name.) "The became attached to my profession of arms; and world has seen my reign, and I feel no disposition sought all books within my reach, and applied them d'alimenter a la curiosite publique (to purvey for pub- to the system in my own mind, and in what is going lic curiosity.) But I shall briefly run over the main on around me. I thus formed my theory of war, events of my life, for two reasons; I care nothing and Europe has seen what it is." for the present times, but let me stand as I am be- Ile then proceeds to relate his part in the siege of Toulon; it introduced him to the notice and patronfore my son and posterity. "This is my motive for writing; I am compelled age of Barras. Barras was in power, and Bonaparte to resort to an indirect means of rendering this needed a patron. Each suited the other, and Bonanarrative public. Should I send it to the English parte was made a general. In the affair of Sections ministry, it would remain forever in the office which he regards himself as having merely done his duty. it would first reach." He was called out to disperse the insurgents against

This is the whole of the preface. The work the actual government. He obeyed and cleared then commences with a narrative of his early life, the streets. The service was regarded to be of his education, &c. but which are all dispatched, great importance, and he was made general of dieach in its turn with a sentence. Some of these vision. condensed members are very striking; some even The narrative then proceeds to the several other acute, and all are characteristic. We shall subjoin eras of the life of Bonaparte; his appointment to be general and chief of the army in Egypt, his Egyptian

a few of them.

"I succeeded in every thing, because I resolved campaign, &c. in all of which it contains most imto succeed. My will was strong. I looked at the portant matter for future history and reflection.point, and precipitated myself towards it. I carried We strongly recommend the work to serious attenall difficulties by assault, and as few difficulties tion, and regret that our limits will not admit of a are mails of brass, they fell before me. The secret longer account of what so well merits it. of my success is, that I never hesitated.

"The best part of courage, or rather courage The work referred to in the preceding has itself, is the will-in a vigorous but decided re- been translated and re-published in the United solution. But this will, the faculty of thus will-States, and is for sale by our booksellers. It cering, is not a matter of choice; it is the gift of tainly is characteristic and interesting; hut we can. But the French is not believe it to be the production of the ex empenature; it is natural firmness." here so much more expressive than any transla- ror. Mad. de Stael is named as the author of it. tion, that we are induced to add it-"La Volonte depend, au reste, de la trempe de l'individu; il n'uppartient pas a chacun d'etre maitre chez lui."

Legislature of New-York.

A LONG DEFERRED ARTICLE.

"I derived no advantage from any study but the mathematics. I read, indeed, all, because I would Report of the joint committee on manufactures. not be ignorant of what was known to those around Mr. Elmendorf, from the joint committee of the me. But long and methodical arguments of these senate and assembly, to whom was referred that part writers on morals, law, and history, seemed so of his excellency the governor's speech which remuch beating about the bush; I saw their object at lates to domestic manufactures, reported as follows, once; in history I wanted only the fact, and in mo- to wit:

rals I saw the reasons in the book of the world be. That the return of peace having opened to this fore me. I very early accustomed myself to impress country an uninterrupted communication with all the a distinct idea, a picture in full of every subject on nations of Europe, has held forth such inducements my own mind; I then closed my eyes and ears, and to commercial enterprise as have deluged our counexamined it, as it were, in the silence and darkness try with foreign fabrics. Though it cannot be expectof self reflection. This is the secret of my strong ed that such a course of things will long continue, conceptions, which were, in fact, only clear concep- at the immense loss which must necessarily be sustions. tained by those concerned in the importation of

"I was first under fire (when a lieutenant) in a these articles, it is yet to be feared, that while Great small action with the Genevese. My natural cool-Britain finds her European market circumscribed ness and habit of attentively looking at the affair by the neighboring powers, she will still contrive to before me, made me at once a soldier and I date throw into our market such quantities of manufacmy military ability from that moment. I saw that tured goods as will altogether suspend the operaboth parties merely occupied themselves in firing tions of our cotton and woolen manufactories, if not straight forward at each other; and that this mode altogether ruin the manufacturer. Great Britain established her manufactures on promised nothing decisive on either side-both parties fighting merely to discharge their duty. I saw the plan of exclusion. She prohibited manufactures a hill at a short distance; I saw that commanded from abroad, and invited the manufacturer to her their rear, and I concluded that if I fell on them shores-she taxed the living to employ her looms; from that post I should decide the battle. I took and to ensure the sale of her products ordained small body of men; I made the movement, and that the dead should be shrowded in woolens; and gained the victory. 1 was made a captain in con- lest the manufacturing art should travel to other sequence; but my reason for mentioning it is, that it countries, she imprisons the weaver and the artitaught me the art of gaining a victory; and this art san who makes an attempt to withdraw from her consists in being in earnest; in looking attentively dominions." upon the point, whilst all others are employed in the noise and bustle of the common detail, and in making some decisive movement which fortune may admit. I require of my soldiers only steadiness in front, till fortune shall throw the cast which affords the opportunity for my play."

The congress of the United States, at their last session, adopted two very masterly reports, made by their committee of commerce and manufactures. These reports recognised the importance of manu. factures, and the policy of protecting them effectually against foreign machinations. "The foreign "This was my first notion, and always has been manufacturers and merchants," said the commit. and is still, what belongs to a good general. I now tee, "will put in requisition all the powers of in