government might have been beaten, and I, with the rest of my colleagues, might have resigned. The event, however, might have been different. A majority in this house might have declared in favour of the government, partly in consequence of my assurances that I was not dissatisfied with the war. After all the obloquy I have sustained, I am very glad I did not incur that of pursuing such a course. Sir, you will perhaps per

many slanderous attacks for the course I have pursued, I have only to say, that if my past public life does not justify me from the charges of selfishness and treachery, I shall seek no argument for the purposes of defence."

part not to have fully considered the position in which I should be if a motion for inquiry should be made after the opinion I had expressed, and the dissatisfaction which I felt. But, be that as it may, having committed that error, I felt I should be guilty of a still greater error-that I should be guilty of an error in morality, and there can be no sound politics without sound morality-if I stood up in this house and opposed inquiry, telling the house to be per-mit me to observe, that having been subject to fectly satisfied with the arrangements which were then going on, while, at the same time, in my own mind, I was not satisfied, and did not agree that those arrangements were likely to be satisfactory. It has been said that the government might have been defeated, that I might have stood by my colleagues, and that on the defeat of the government we should have resigned our offices. I cannot say that that suggestion is satisfactory to my mind, for it supposes that I was to take a course which, in my conscience, I could not take. But there is the other alternative to be considered. The A brief account of the public career of this nobleman, chosen at so critical a period to fill one of the most important offices of the state, may be acceptable. He is descended from the same family as the Earl of Dalhousie. His father was the youngest son of the eighth earl (the present marquis being the tenth), but he changed his name from Ramsay to Maule on succeeding, through his grandmother, to the estates of the old earls of Panmure. On being raised to the peerage in 1831 he took the title of Panmure; thus perpetuating, indirectly, the extinct honours of his family. Mr. Fox Maule, the subject of this notice, was born in 1801. Early in life he obtained a commission in the 79th highlanders, in which regiment he served for twelve years. It was not until the age of thirty-four that he entered the civil service of his country by accepting (on Lord Melbourne's accession to power in April, 1835) the post of under-secretary of state for the home department; the duties of which he discharged until June, 1841. He had been sent to parliament as member for Perthshire, and soon attracted notice as a collected and tolerably fluent speaker and a man of business, who, while remarkable for bonhomie, always obtained the respect of the house by his quiet dignity and self-possession. These qualities led to his being raised, in 1841, from the subordinate position to which we have alluded to that of vice-president of the board of trade. When Lord Melbourne's government was overthrown by Sir Robert Peel, then the leader of the now scattered protectionist party, Mr. Fox Maule took a distinguished part among the members of the opposition; and on more than one occasion developed striking debating powers. Sir Robert wisely deserted effete principles which he saw could not much longer be maintained: he repealed the corn-laws, and was hurled from office by the vengeance of his party, though at the same moment he won the gratitude of his country. Lord John Russell became premier

On Thursday, the 8th of February, it was made known that the ministerial interregnum was over, and that Lord Palmerston had succeeded in forming a cabinet. After all the commotion that had taken place, the changes were not considerable. Lord Aberdeen, Lord John Russell, and the Duke of Newcastle quitted the cabinet, while the only accession to it was Lord Panmure.* by the generous forbearance of the late minister, and Mr. Fox Maule came again into office. Then it was that he first became connected with the war department, for the proper discharge of the duties of which it was considered that he was adapted both by his military experience and his general temperament. He remained secretary at war from the accession of the Russell ministry in July, 1846, until certain changes which preceded its downfall in February, 1852. During this period he retained the confidence of his colleagues, and generally satisfied his military critics. Lord Palmerston, then minister of the foreign department, had constant opportunities of observing the conduct of the right honourable gentleman, and to that period must be referred the formation of the opinion of Mr. Fox Maule, which led to his appointment of minister of war on the accession of Lord Palmerston to office. On giving up the war-office in February, 1852, Mr. Fox Maule became president of the board of control, which office he continued to hold until the resignation of Lord John Russell's ministry. By the death of his father he had succeeded to the title of Lord Panmure, and the reputation he had gained led to his almost immediate selection for the office of war minister, as soon as it was ascertained that Earl Grey, who was generally looked to as the most fit man for so onerous a post, would not accept it. It was anticipated that though Lord Panmure would not too severely and suddenly shock the prejudices of our military men of the old school, yet that he would not yield to the mere spirit of routine, and that he was courageous enough to resolve on any necessary changes however great, yet practical enough not to insist on military reforms merely for the sake of theory. Lord Palmerston paid a high compliment to the talents of the new war minister, by saying that he was a perfect master of all the principles which regulate an army, and of all the details.

said "I will not attempt to disguise that I feel the same objection to the appointment of the committee of which he has given notice as I expressed when the subject was first under discussion. My opinion is, that such a committee would, in its action, not be in accordance with the true and just principles of the constitution, and that it would not be, for the effectual accomplishment of its purpose, a sufficient instrument." He proposed that the government should take upon itself the labours of the inquiry, and he laid before the house the intentions of the ministry with the object of accomplishing improvements at home and abroad.

for soldiers men under the present limit, and for a shorter period. The commissariat abroad, he had omitted to state, had been charged not merely with the supply and issue of provisions and other necessaries, but with providing the means of transporting them; this had been a source of great difficulty, and there would be a separate department of land transport, akin to the ancient waggon train. He trusted that the house would be disposed to see the effects which these improved arrangements would produce. In addition to them, no efforts would be spared to reinforce our army. Certain conditions, to serve as the basis of negotiation for peace had been concerted between. The house was aware, continued his lord- England and France, and concurred in by ship, that he had not felt it to be his duty Austria; and negotiations had been opened to recommend her majesty to appoint a at Vienna. The government had proposed secretary at war; and his opinion was, that that Lord John Russell should conduct the in regard to the ordnance, great improve- negotiations on the part of this country; ments might be made; that the discipline his lordship had consented to undertake the of the artillery and the engineers might be task, and he would proceed the next week transferred to the commander-in-chief. The to Vienna, passing through Paris and Berlin. transport service would be placed under the "If," said Lord Palmerston, in conclusion, superintendence of a board, to be established "we succeed in obtaining peace on terms for that purpose. Great alarm and well- which afford security for the future against founded complaints had prevailed as to the the recurrence of those disturbances of the condition of the sick and wounded in the peace of Europe which have led to the war, hospitals, and the government were going we shall feel that our first desire in underto send out a commission of civilians accus- taking the government at this moment has tomed to deal with sanitary questions, with been accomplished in a manner as satisfacample power to examine into the state of tory to the country as to ourselves. hospitals, camp, and ships. Lord Raglan on the other hand, we fail, then the country had also been authorised to send to Con- will feel that we have no alternative but to stantinople for a corps of labourers, whose go on with the war; and I am convinced duty it would be to cleanse the camp. that the country will, with greater zeal than Many complaints had been made-he be- ever, give its support to a government which, lieved not without foundation-of the want having made every possible attempt to obof system in the commissariat department, tain peace, and having failed in doing so, as regarded the supply and issue of necessa- has been compelled to carry on the war for ries for the army; and a commission was the purpose of obtaining those results which going to be sent out, at the head of which the sense and judgment of the country have was Sir John M'Neil, to examine the de- approved. We shall, then, throw ourselves fects of the commissariat arrangements, and upon the generous support of parliament with full power to set them right. Major- and the country, and that generous support general Simpson was likewise proceeding I am confident we shall not ask in vain. I out to the Crimea, as chief of the staff, to feel sure, that in such a state of things all take the control of the quartermaster- minor differences, all mere party shades of general's and adjutant-general's depart- distinction, will vanish, and that men of all ments, with power to recommend to Lord sides will feel that they ought to support the Raglan any change of persons. A new hos- government of this country, and show the pital was to be established at Smyrna, world the noble and glorious spectacle that entirely under the management of civilians, a free people and a constitutional governand the secretary for war was going entirely ment can exhibit a life, a spirit, and an to remodel the medical department at home. energy, a power of endurance, and a vigour He would also introduce into the other of action, that would be vainly sought for house a bill to enable her majesty to enlist | under despotic rule and arbitrary sway.”

But if,

died on the passage down; and with that convoy there were only two or three guards, privates of the line. I was astounded that there was no medical man in charge of so many wounded and sick men, and I went to Lord Raglan, and he was brought to see that convoy. Lord Raglan expressed that indignation which every honourable and humane man must feel at such a circumstance, and he instituted an inquiry. It was found that the medical man and officers had neglected their duty; and Lord Raglan published a general order, in which he stated that the conduct of certain persons had been disgraceful; but he added, that he would spare their feelings and not mention their names. I can honour and reverence those feelings in a man, but I cannot honour or reverence such feelings in a general. What was the result? I will tell the house.

The plans of the new premier were not | ber of carts containing men suffering from regarded as being very practicable or, in- disease and wounds, some of whom, I believe, deed, intelligible. They were rather an endeavour to patch up the wounds and imperfections which late disasters had revealed in our military system, than to cure and eradicate them. It was generally considered that matters had fallen into confusion at the Crimea because our general had not sufficient authority, yet it was proposed still further to reduce that authority by placing some one near Lord Raglan to control his staff and to offer advice to himself. What was wanted at the Crimea was a commander of genius, a man of iron will, a kind of military dictator, whose mind should comprehend all matter connected with his army, whose prescience and orders should see that the wants of his men were provided forwhose presence in his camp and its precincts would ensure his commands being obeyedwhose stern exaction of duty from his subordinates should be such that none of them dared to neglect even the spirit as well as the letter of his mandates, and whose great qualities should win for him the esteem and confidence of his army. It had long been painfully apparent that Lord Raglan was not such a man; but the new ministry, instead of seeking for a general better fitted for the trying circumstances existing at the Crimea, thought to prop up an inefficient general by a still further complication of that irresponsible system which had plunged our noble army into such great misery.

Lord Palmerston's propositions were analysed with critical severity by Mr. Layard. "The country," said that gentleman, "is sick of these commissions; the country wants a man; don't let me be told that you cannot find a man-that is an insult to the common sense of the country. If your man, however, must be seventy years old, a member of Brookes's, and one who has always voted with the government, I grant that you may not find one of that class and stamp fitted for the duties which are required of him." In referring to the terrible condition to which our army had been brought, Mr. Layard exclaimed-"I will tell the house where the mischief lies. There is a general fear of taking any responsibility; every one is afraid to act with vigour; and, with the permission of the house, I will mention two anecdotes to illustrate my position. One day, as I was going up to the lines of the army, in company with a gallant officer, we met a num

Two days afterwards, some marines having been landed from the fleet and put under the command of the colonel who had the charge of Balaklava, they were employed upon the same duty as the troops of the line. At night, while on guard, one of the men was seized with cholera, and was taken to the hospital; but the medical man refused to leave his bed, saying that the man could not be admitted, as he was a marine. He was then taken to another hospital, where he was also refused admittance, and the poor fellow was left upon the shore to die. That circumstance came to the notice of Lord Raglan, and what course did he adopt? He condemned the medical officers, but he said that he had recently issued a general order reflecting on the conduct of medical officers, and if he so soon issued another, confidence in the medical staff would be destroyed. I do not want to say a single word against Lord Raglan. I believe him to be an amiable and a good man; but what I say is, that it is not for amiable and good men alone to command armies. The men to command armies should be men of iron will and unflinching determinationmen ready to sacrifice relations, private friends-even all they hold dear in the world, if it be necessary to do so, in order to perform what is an imperative duty. If you go on in the way you have commenced, depend upon it before a very few months have elapsed there will be but a small remnant of that gallant army. Commissions will only increase the evil, and shelter those

who ought to be called to account for their misdeeds. Send out a man of vigour, who will cut at the root of the evil, who will spare no one or nothing if he deems it to be his duty to cut it down. If you do so at once, there may be a chance of saving the survivors of your gallant army; if you do not they will all perish, and on your heads be their blood."

reforms a committee could only recommend. He denied that he had deserted his colleagues; he had taken a position by the side of them to resist inquiry, and they, not he, had abandoned the position.

Mr. Sidney Herbert observed, the motion of Mr. Roebuck might be divided into two portions; one related to the conduct of the departments at home connected with the Lord Palmerston's ministry was scarcely supply of the army in the field; the other ten days old before dissensions arose in it. referred to the state of the force before On the 22nd of February it was made Sebastopol. It was the duty of parliament known that Mr. Gladstone, Sir James Gra- to institute a searching investigation into ham, and Mr. Sidney Herbert had resigned the conduct of ministers of the crown: he their respective posts in the cabinet. Those had no objection to that part of the motion, gentlemen were distinguished by the title being ready to go before the committee, of Peelites-that is, those of the govern- and having nothing to conceal. But the ment of the late Sir Robert Peel who went committee had another and a wider scope. with him, in 1846, in the repeal of the corn- He considered, with Sir James Graham, laws. The motive which induced them to that the motion was regarded as a vote of abandon a ministry they had so recently censure, and that, when Lord Aberdeen's joined, was the strong objection they enter- government was at an end, no more would tained to the proposed inquiry by a select have been heard of it. Still, if the country committee of the House of Commons into was determined that there should be a the state of the army, and into the causes searching inquiry, a select committee was of the disasters in the Crimea. They ac- not the best, most constitutional, or most cepted office with the belief that the in-efficient mode. As a vote of censure, therequiry would be abandoned; but on finding the house and the country bent on carrying it into execution, they retired from before an investigation which it would seem they had not courage to face, and which they described as unconstitutional and inconvenient. Viewed in a favourable light, their conduct was a frivolous devotion to mere formalities; and regarded in a more serious manner, it was a sinister desertion | of their duty at a critical period in the history of their country.

On Friday, February 23rd, the three retiring members of the government presented themselves to explain their conduct to the house. Sir James Graham said he objected altogether to the appointment of a select committee, as peculiarly dangerous at that time. If the inquiry was secret, he contended, all check of public opinion would be withdrawn; if open, then the evidence would be published, and comments made upon it adverse to private character. He thought the motion had only been intended as a vote of censure upon the late government, and he considered the inquiry to be unnecessary, and the appointment of a committee for that inquiry unjust as well as dangerous. He believed it could be conducted more speedily and more effectually by the government which could effect

fore, the motion was now valueless; as an inquiry, it would be a mere sham. Finally, he disapproved the committee, and would not be a party to it.

Mr. Gladstone spoke at great length: he passed a flattering eulogy upon Lord Aberdeen: he deplored, with an appearance of pathos almost amusing, the pain-he might almost say the agony-of arriving at decisions for the government of one's conduct in public affairs. He had not changed; he was consistent in his opposition to the motion for inquiry; it was without precedentand precedent, in such matters, meant wisdom. It was nugatory for the true purposes of inquiry--namely, the remedy of evils. It was unconstitutional, and would lead to nothing but confusion and disturbance, increased disaster, shame at home, and weakness abroad. It was useless and mischievous for the purpose contemplated, and full of danger to the dignity and usefulness of the Commons of England. He did not object to an inquiry into the conduct of the government; but that did not involve examination by the house into the state of the army in the Crimea. Though a strain of exaggeration with reference to the state of the army had crept unconsciously into the language used by members of that house, still the pains and sufferings of that