animates all ranks of the empire, we venture to recognise therein the pledge and augury of a happier future.

Penetrated with our duty as a Christian, we cannot desire a prolonged effusion of blood, and certainly we shall not repulse any offers and conditions of peace that are compatible with the dignity of our empire and the interests of our well-beloved subjects. But another and not less sacred duty commands us, in this obstinate struggle, to keep ourselves prepared for efforts and sacrifices proportioned to the means of action directed against us.

Russians! my faithful children! you are accustomed to spare nothing when called by Providence to a great and holy workneither your wealth, the fruit of long years of toil, nor your lives-nor your own blood, nor the blood of your children. The noble ardour that has inflamed your hearts from the first hour of the war will not be extinguished, happen what may; and your feelings are those also of your sovereign.

We all, monarch and subjects, if it be necessary-echoing the words of the Emperor Alexander in a year of like trial, "the sword in our hands and the cross in our hearts"-know how to face the ranks of our enemies for the defence of the most precious gifts of this world-the security and the honour of our country.

Given at Gatchina, the 14th day of the month of December, in the year of grace 1854, and the thirtieth of our reign.

NICHOLAS.

There is in this manifesto a less confident tone than that which pervades the previous productions of the czar. He ventured to recognise in the real or assumed devotion of his subjects, "the pledge and augury of a happier future." This would seem to imply that he beheld but a gloomy present; that the hostilities of the allies were keenly felt by his people-as indeed they must have been, in consequence of a crippled commerce and an humbled nationality. Dogged as the resistance of Russia had been during the great contest in the Crimea, her position as a great power was humiliating in the extreme. Her soil invaded, her coasts insulted, her capital threatened, her trade paralysed, her merchantmen carried away by the enemy, her ports blockaded, and her navies slinking within her harbours beneath the shelter of stone batteries. For a great empire to

assume such an attitude, was for it to tremble upon the brink of disgrace, and for ever to lose caste among the nations of Europe. It is to be observed, also, that the manifesto declares the emperor will not repulse any offer and conditions of peace compatible with his dignity. The vision of universal empire had been blown to the winds; the air-palace of fancied domination over Europe was shattered; the pleasant dream had become troubled, and the sleeping despot awakened to the reality of his position. Nicholas felt that his attitude was one of dangerous isolation.

Having referred to Russia, let us give a passing glance at Turkey at this period. The treaty between Austria and the Western Powers gave great satisfaction to the Turks at Constantinople. They looked to the separation of Austria from Russia as the | pledge of their future safety, for they well knew that hitherto they would have fallen before Nicholas and Francis Joseph whenever those two potentates chose to combine. I Notwithstanding the immense military power of Austria, and the fact that a resolute invasion by that state of the Russian territory would doubtless have brought the war to a close, yet it was considered by the Turks, that the military assistance of Austria was a matter of small importance compared with the guarantee for her future policy thus given by her desertion of her imperious and exacting protector, the czar. The Turks, indeed, were by no means sanguine as to the result of the war. They believed that it would probably check the aggressive spirit of Russia, ensure the safety of Europe, liberate Germany from something resembling a degrading vassalage to the czar, and add to the military glory of France and England. They believed it might do all this; but in these matters, except the first, the Turks felt no interest, and they dreaded to reflect on what might be the result of the war to themselves. The most perceptive of the Osmanli feared that their country might be subjected to a lengthened occupation by the allies, especially by the energetic French, who had established themselves at every commanding point, and dealt with their prejudices in a somewhat cavalier manner. The Turks also looked to Austria as a power which should counterbalance the influence of Eng land and France. Many of them are by no means anxious to see the Russians too completely humbled; "for who," they inquire,

"is to send away the French and English?" They did not believe that the czar would succumb, even though Prussia joined the other powers, and Russia had to bear the attack of all the great states of Europe. A feeling of the invincibility of Russian obstinacy prevailed among all classes of the Turks, which, though weakened by the evacuation of the provinces, revived again after the fruitless attack on Sebastopol on the 17th of October. The Mussulman and Christian inhabitants of Turkey mingle much with each other, and have, in many respects, the same ideas, superstitions, and prophecies, though, of course, what is looked upon with hope by one communion is a cause of despondency to the other. Among the great body of the Greeks, the idea existed that God was fighting for the Russians, and the idea was entertained by the same classes among their opponents, who considered that the prophet had turned away his face from his people. The Turks made up their minds that there was to be a long war, but that they would have very little to do with it. They regarded themselves as safe for the time being, and were content to leave their future destiny to fate and the Western Powers.*

A writer from Constantinople (January, 1855) has the following highly interesting remarks on the feelings of its Mohammedan inhabitants :-"Now that immediate danger from Russia is past, and the enthusiasm of a few months since has died away, or been drowned in blood and losses, the feelings of the Turkish race have been much changed. Every other impulse is now swallowed up in the desire to get rid of the western armies. The terrible image which is ever before the eyes of Mussulmans is the elevation of the Christian races to an

equality with themselves. This they believe the West will insist upon; and they have a not unnatural feeling, that the presence of two armies in their territory will give them little choice in the principle or details of any changes. No one who has any acquaintance with the Turks can doubt their utter discouragement as to the result of the present occupation, and of their wish, at any cost, to bring it to a close. The feeling is deepest among those in power, who have most to lose in the shape of unworthy influences and illegal gains. If, when peace is concluded, the allies should urge a further stay of their armies on Turkish soil, it is most certain that the project will be opposed with all the desperate pertinacity which is characteristic of the race, and which has so often baffled the most vigorous diplomatists armed with the justest arguments. As to the future, the world may be assured that the Turk will never call in allies again."-" Since the struggle before Sebastopol began, the so-called Russian party among the Turks has gained no little strength. This is of course not a party with any real predilection for Russia, or one which wishes to see the czar at Constantinople; but it consists chiefly of the least advanced and most fanatical of the wealthier pashas.

Turning to English affairs, we must here. notice the retirement of Admiral Dundas from the command of our fleet in the Black Sea, and the appointment of Adm.ral Sir Edmund Lyons in his place. This change. gave great satisfaction, for it had been long felt that Admiral Dundas had not exhibited that zeal and energy which was naturally expected from one in his exalted and, responsible position, and that, in fact, the services of the Black Sea fleet, so far as they had been available, were owing entirely to the unflagging activity of Sir Edmund Lyons. On leaving the fleet at Constantinople, from whence he returned to England, Admiral Dundas issued the following farewell address to those who had served under his command:

"H.M.S. Britannia, in the Bosphorus, "December 22nd, 1854. "My term of service as commander-inchief in the Mediterranean and Black Sea having drawn to a close, I am about to return to England, and give up the command of this fleet.

"During the past year many trying circumstances have occurred-pestilence in its most aggravated form, action with the enemy

By a Russian party is meant those who think it most prudent to lean on Muscovite protection, and to allow the czar a right of interference and the chief voice in the councils of the empire, through a confident hope that he will, for his own interest, preserve the present system, at least during their time. The Turk has now ceased to look beyond the present generation. The absence of the idea of family encourages the state of feeling which is expressed in the phrase after me the deluge.' The great body of the richer Turks are childless; their wives constantly practise abortion, since with this sensual race a woman who has had a child generally loses the affection of her husband. The consequence is that these men look only to their own time, and fancy that Russian ascendancy will give them, during the next twenty years, the tranquillity and authority which they have always enjoyed, while the reforming and humanitarian West will destroy the system under which they have become rich, and raise to a troublesome equality the energetic races whom they are beginning to fear."-"It is an unfortunate circumstance that England and France have not conciliated, or even tried to conciliate, any of the races which inhabit this land. In all the pomp and pride of civilisation they came here to settle matters by the sword, and during the last year every western print has been full of the worthlessness and depravity of Oriental races, from the Pruth to the Persian gulf. The Turks, indeed, were the subjects of a temporary enthusiasm, but the flight of a few hundreds of them from an ill-constructed battery, was sufficient to wipe away the triumphs of Citate and Silistria; and since that time they have been ill-used, ridiculed, and beaten in a manner that has created a most bitter feeling among high and low in Stamboul.”

Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland and the Emperor of the French will readily admit into their alliance, in order to cooperate for the proposed object, such of the other powers of Europe as may be desirous of becoming parties to it." The Piedmontese government expressed its intention of sending 15,000 picked men of the Sardinian army to the theatre of war to share the fatigues and honours of the struggle. The King of Sardinia engaged to provide for the pay and provisioning of these troops, and also to keep up their numerical strength by reinforcements. On the other hand, France and England guaranteed the integrity of the Sardinian States, and engaged to defend them against any attack during the war. It was further agreed, that the Queen of England should recommend to her parlia

The reasons of the Sardinian government for joining the allies are fully expressed in the following address, read on the 26th of January, by Count Cavour (the minister of foreign affairs) to the chamber of deputies at Turin:-"Gentlemen,-The eastern war, having called forth new interests to combat on the field of politics, has rendered new alliances necessary. The course of old diplomatic traditions was all at once interrupted, and both from a careful consideration of the present serious moment and of a future from which the greatest prudence alone can avert the dangers, it was clear to every government that, in the face of complications so unexpected on the world's stage, it was necessary to seek a new system that should procure strength, supports, and remedial acts, to provide against the altered circumstances. England and France first gave the world the generous example of the most complete forgetfulness of their secular differences, descending united to the field where they combat in the cause of justice and the common rights of nations. The other governments, watching the rapid progress of events, dispose themselves to take that part in them that necessity or the convenience of their own policy may require. In such serious circumstances, and in the midst of such general preparations, the government of the king would have been gravely wanting in duty had it not attentively considered how to act for the good of the king and the state, and, having made its choice, had it not resolutely put it in execution. The alternatives were two :

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Neutrality, sometimes possible to powers of the first rank, is seldom so to those of the second, unless placed in special, political, and geographical circumstances. History, however, rarely shows happy instances of neutrality, the least sad results of which tei minate in making those who adopt it either objects of suspicion or disdain to both contending parties. To Piedmont, moreover, the high heart of whose kings inspired at all times a resolute policy, alliances have always been more pleasing. Piedmont has succeeded in making herself accounted more by Europe than her limited territory would appear to warrant, because in the day of common peril she has always known how to face the common fate; as also because

ment the advance of a million of money as a loan, for which four per cent. interest should be paid; and should the war not be at an end at the expiration of twelve months, her majesty was to recommend a loan of another million on the same terms.*

The adhesion of the Sardinian government to the allies was hailed by the Times, in an article of considerable eloquence, from which we extract the following passage:"The critical times in which we live, the great events that are continually occurring, bring out, in strong and unwonted relief, the character of men and of nations, and show us, in one place, a people tamely sinking below its position and its opportunities, and, in another, one gallantly rising above them. Look at the present position of Prussia, a nation armed to the teeth, and in times of tranquillity it was part of the rare wisdom of the princes of Savoy to reform, by slow degrees, adapting the political and civil laws to the new wants, the natural consequences of the incessant conquest of civilisation. She might, it is true, by one thing or the other, from force of circumstances, have fallen, though, if she had done so, she would have risen again; but she was never held in scorn, or put aside; she never broke the bond that bound her to her kings, and always found her safety in the fidelity and esteem that she has known how to inspire. A new proof of both was the proposition of an alliance to the government of his majesty on the part of those of her majesty the Queen of England and of his majesty the Emperor of the French. The examples of history, the anticipations of the future, the noble traditions of the house of Savoy, all unite to drive the ministry from a timid, idle policy, and to lead it instead by the old road, followed by our fathers, who knew true prudence to exist in sharing the sacrifices and perils encountered for justice, whence arose increased reputation or benefits after victory. By order of the king, who on this occasion, as always, has shown himself equal to the greatness of the event, and to the virtue of his house, the formal adhesion to the treaty of the 10th of April has been accomplished, and at the same time were drawn up the two conventions to regulate the manner of co-operation to be lent by Sardinia in consequence of this act. We come, therefore, to sub

mit them for your approbation. The fruit of a pru

dence which tends to courage and generosity, we believe that this treaty will obtain your consent more than it would have done had it been suggested by a timid prudence and shortsighted calculations. You, elected by a people who have a heart devoted to their princes when they should follow on the path of sacrifice and honour, cannot feel it in your hearts to act otherwise. To the Cross of Savoy, as to that of Genoa, the road to the east is known. Both have shown themselves victorious on those fields, where this time they will shine united on our banner. Placed now between the glorious standards of Eng land and France, it will know how to prove itself worthy of such high company, and that God, who for eight centuries has supported the fortitude and faith of the house of Savoy, will bless it."