as in the United States, Russia has in this time had war as the rule, with only short intervals of peace. In 1795, she had war with Poland, entered into to complete her subjugation of that country. In 1784, she completed her war with Turkey, and her invasions of the Crimea, which were begun as far back as 1769. In 1796, she fought with Persia. In 1799, she took part against the French revolutionists. In 1805, and again in 1812, she took part against Napoleon. In 1809, she fought with the Turks; in 1826, with Persia again, as also in 1840. In 1849, she fought against Hungary; in 1853, against Turkey; in 1854, against France and England in the Crimean War, and in 1877 against Turkey. In short, Russia's history, as compared with ours, shows that we are far less inclined to war than she, and that republicanism is more peaceful than absolute monarchy.

Comparing, next, our history with that of Austria, we have a similar showing. Though more inclined to peace than most European countries, and though suffering frequent dishonor and loss of territory for the sake of peace, Austria has yet had a large number of wars. In 1805, she fought against France in the Holy Alliance, and, until the fall of Napoleon, was fighting in one capacity or another for her Italian possessions. In 1848, she had the memorable war with Hungary and its allies. In 1849, she fought with Sardinia and France for her Italian interests. In 1864, she engaged with Prussia in the Schleswig-Holstein War against Denmark, and in 1866, she fought against Prussia and Italy in the disastrous war which decided her fate at Sadowa, and compelled her to withdraw from participation in German affairs.

Our history, when compared with that of Spain, shows a like result. For, in this time of comparative peace with us, Spain has had a comparative season of war. In 1796, she had a war with England; in 1807 she had a war with France, as also in 1823; and in 1859 one with Morocco. In short, that most monarchical of countries, with unlimited loyalty to king and pope, knowing nothing but submission and obedience, has, besides her endless rebellions, had twice as many foreign wars as our independent and individualized Americans who have ac

knowledged no authority but themselves.

And, comparing finally our history with that of Italy, we have still the invariable result-peace in America and war abroad. For, in this time, Italy has engaged in the following wars: First, those growing out of the French Revolution and of the intervention of Napoleon in Italian affairs, which lasted till 1814; secondly, that of the Milanese and Venetians against Austria in 1848, for their independence and supremacy; thirdly, the wars of independence between Piedmont and Austria, into which the rest of the Italians were largely drawn; and finally, the wars of Garibaldi for the Union of Italy, conducted against Austria and the Pope. In short, Italy has, as far as it can in this period be considered a nation or people in itself, had a history of war, while most of its individual states have been separately at war, or been drawn into the wars of their dependencies.

Such, therefore, is our record as compared with that of England, France, Prussia, Russia, Austria, Spain and Italy, in re gard to war. And yet these constitute all the great powers of of Europe, so that the comparison is exhaustive, and can be said to be with the whole world. It is a record of peace compared with seven records of war; so that, when compared with the other great countries, our showing, notwithstanding the patronizing forebodings of war which others indulged in at our beginning, is the best of all. As far, therefore, as eight exantples of history running through a hundred years can prove anything, they prove that a free republican government is more calculated to keep at peace than a monarchy, and in so far to keep the peace of the world and promote the happiness of mankind.

And here we may pause to observe that in both of our wars we have been successful; so that never yet, as a nation, have we been conquered. In the same period, however, all the other nations mentioned have been once or oftener conquered. England was overcome in the first war of the French revolution, as well as in the American war. France was finally overcome in the wars of the Empire, and again in the war with Prussia in 1870. Prussia was overcome in the first war of the Revo

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lution. Russia was badly conquered in the Crimean War. Austria was conquered in her wars with Napoleon, with Italy, and with Prussia. Italy was conquered in the Napoleonic wars, and in the war with Austria, in 1864, until she was rescued by Prussia. And Spain was conquered in her war with Napoleon and her first mentioned war with England. All this comparison proves, not only that a republic is as good as any other government in keeping at peace, but also as good, if forced into war, in raising armies and fighting its battles.

So much, then, for foreign wars, which comprise generally a great part of the faults and failures of governments, as well as of the misery of mankind; all of which have been so signally avoided by our republic.

I shall speak next of rebellions and civil wars. In this respect, it was thought, at the beginning of our career, that we, as a nation, would particularly suffer. It was believed in the first place, that, as a republic, with all the people free, and alike entitled to rule, we should be more exposed and inclined to civil dissensions; and in the second place, that, without a monarchical government, we should not be able to quell our rebellions when they should arise, and so to preserve the internal peace with force.

In comparing ourselves with other great powers, however, we find that our history in this respect is not only creditable, but vastly better than theirs. For, during all this time, we have had but one great rebellion or civil war; while in the same time England has had two, France eight, Prussia two, Russia four, Austria six, Spain six, and Italy three.

To compare more minutely, we observe that, in our long reign of internal peace, broken only once in the year 1861, England has had her Irish rebellion in 1798, and her Sepoy rebellion in 1857. I do not here speak of our bloodless whisky rebellion in 1786, or of Shea's rebellion in 1793. These will be mentioned Fereafter in comparing our insurrections and riots with those of Europe, when speaking of the so called rebellion against England of Robert Emmett and his followers in 1803, and of the Chartists at Newport in 1839.

In France, in the same period, there have been the rebellions

and civil wars of 1789, together with the revolutions immediately following; the rebellion in La Vendée in 1793; the rebellions and revolutions of 1830 and 1848; the coup d'etat and civil war in 1851; and, finally, the rebellion and commune in 1870.

In Prussia, in this time, there have been the rebellion of the Liberals in 1848, which extended throughout the whole continent of Europe, and engaged particularly the students of the universities, and to some extent, the soldiers of the army, and also the war of 1866, which was largely with parts of its own present territory, as Hanover and Frankfort.

In Russia, which was struggling with a rebellion in the Crimea at the commencement of our career, and which had just closed the great Cossack Rebellion, there have been, during our existence as a nation, the rebellions of the Poles in 1795 and 1830, and rebellions in her Asiatic provinces in 1840 and 1872, resulting in the severe Khiva campaigns.

In Austria, there have been, in this period, rebellions in Lombardy in 1797, resulting in the loss of that province to Austria; in Milan, Venice and Sardinia, in 1848; in Vienna in the same year, when Prince Metternich took his flight, and the emperor was soon after compelled to fly; and, finally, in Hungary, under Kossuth, in 1848.

In Spain, in this time, there have been the uprising of the Asturias in 1808; the wars of the Revolution in 1820; the movement of Don Carlos in 1834; of O'Donnell and Concha in favor of Christina in 1841; the revolutionary wars of 1843; the revolt of Cuba in 1851; the military insurrection under Espartero in 1854; the later war against Cuba, commenced in 1868, and the recent Carlist war, which was commenced about the same time.

And, finally, in Italy, in this same period, there have been the wars following the French revolution, which have been largely civil; also the internal revolutions of 1848 and 1849, which resulted in the independence of several of the States; and the succeeding wars of Garibaldi and Victor Emanuel for the union of the Peninsula.

Thus, it appears that in all the great nations during the

last hundred years, there have been more civil wars and rebellions than in ours, our republic making the best showing in the very respect in which it was predicted that we should fail altogether. As far, therefore, as the examples of all the great nations, taken for a hundred years, can prove anything, they prove that a republic is less inclined to civil wars and rebellions than a monarchy. This ought to be enough to settle forever the objections to republican institutions on the ground that they expose the people to lawlessness and civil strife.

I have, in this comparison, not included our wars with the Indians, or the wars of the other nations with their respective savages-the wars of England, for example, with the uncivilized tribes of Africa, Central Asia, Ashantee, etc.; those of France with the Arabs in Algiers; those of Russia with the northern Asiatic tribes; those of Spain with the South American and Mexican Indians, etc. There is nothing in these wars of a civil, diplomatic or international character, which bears on the question now in discussion. It will be conceded, no doubt, that, having had in this respect as great a difficulty as any of the nations to deal with, we have solved it quite as well as they have solved their relations with savages.

Let us next look at insurrections, riots, and other uprisings and lawlessness of a smaller kind. In this respect our government compares favorably with any or all of the others. Without attempting to enumerate all the lawless uprisings, either of our own or other countries, it may be observed that about our only insurrections of any consequence have been the Whisky rebellion, Shea's rebellion, the Kansas riots, John Brown's insurrection, the riot in New York to resist the draft, and the recent labor riots. That is, in all our history we have had only about seven insurrections of any consequence.

In the same time, however, the riots in other countries have been almost without number. Hardly a month passes but the cable brings us news of a riot in some part of Europe. In Great Britain it is generally in the coal mines, or at the great strikes among mechanics, or else between the Orangemen and Catholics, or between the Home Rulers and royal police. In France and Spain the riots are generally of a political charac