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for the bar are found at the north and south ends of the buildings. Those at the north are on the floor on which counsel enter, but owing to the descent from Carey Street to the Strand, those on the south are on the first floor.

Just at the entrance on the south or Strand, are two good sized arbitration rooms; they are on a level with the ground, and to an outsider seem to be dark and cold.

HEATING APPARATUS.-Underneath the Central Hall are six large boilers and a steam engine, which are used in warming the building by means of hot water pipes, whose ramifications extend throughout the passages, and as regards the engine, in supplying power for lighting by etectricity the entire building.

While the corridors are warmed by means of hot water pipes, the rooms are all provided with open fire places, and the consumption of coal must necessarily be enormous.

It will scarcely be credited that the space originally provided by the architect, was not sufficient for a fortnight's consumption. “Fresh cellerage as the Englishmen say, or as we say, “additional cellerage,” had to be provided. In the west end of the building are “lifts” (elevators], for raising coal to the sevei al floors.

The sanitary arrangements are ample, and in the roof are large tanks of water for the service of the building, and to supply the numerous hydrants set in every corridor for the protection of the building from firo.

Among the minor defects noticeable in this large and admirable building, may be noted that much of the stone with which the staircases are constructed and the passages paved, is already wearing out.

It must, like most of the stone used in the erection of our Chicago Court House, have been originally soft and unfit for

use.

There is another similarity to our Court House, and that is, th. t many of the stairways, staircases, corridors and passages are exceedingly dark, and have to be constantly lighted, policed and protected in order to avoid danger, to those who are not prepared for steps, descents and pitfalls.

This structure is among the grandest and most complete of

its kind ever devised, and surpasses in its design and details anything before attempted in ancient or modern times. The Royal Assize Courts of Manchester just completed, is modeled after the Royal Courts of Justice, and contains many conveniences that they do not.

St. George's Hall in Liverpool, we regard as one of the finest structures of the kind in the world, and yet it did not cost as much to erect as the Cook County Court House, in the City of Chicago. . The science of court house architecture appears to be yet in its infancy in this country, and until it bécomes understood that these buildings are to be designed to transact the public business and not to furnish lounging places for the idle and those seeking to be amused, we can hope for but little improvement in their internal arrangements. Most of our court rooms are too large, and in most of them there are not accommodations for ladies, or for witnesses or jurors, but all are permitted to huddle together promiscuously and vitiate the air with their presence, without any adequate means of ventilating the rooms, to the death and destruction of the judges, the attorneys and officers of the court. The acoustic properties of many of our court rooms, are as bad as anything can possibly be. This could be remedied by placing over the judge's seat a canopy to hold the sound, such as is provided in every court room in Europe, and not making the rooms so high as they are now.

The Central Criminal Court rooms at the Old Bailey, where all of the important criminal cases are now tried, are not much larger than the small court rooms recently erected in the rotunda of our court house, but they have several rooms attached for witnesses, for jurors, for ladies, with lavatories and other conveniences, which render them very complete in all of their appointments.

There is not a court room in Europe that is as large as the common law court rooms on the 22 and 3d story of our court house in Chicago occupied by Judges Gary and ourselves. Indeed these court rooms are almost as large as the House of Commons.

In the Royal Cồurts of Justice, the witnesses and their friends

are not allowed to crowd into the court rooms, but are retained in al witness room and are called in as they are wanted. Here, the counsel in the case, the parties, the witnesses and all of their friends think it necessary not only to crowd into the court room, but to crowd on to the jury, and they seem to take it as an affront if they are prevented from so doing.

The very fact that the count houses in England have been designed to transact business and not to enable counsel to play "star engagements" has its effect, and while as some contend it has produced a decline of eloquence, it has served to facilitate the administration of the law, and thereby saved much valuable time and a great amount of money.

There people do not go to gossip and hear the lawyers spar, because they are not furnished any facilities for so doing. Here, lawyers, especially in criminal cases, take control of the court, consume days and weeks in obtaining juries, and then an equal amount of time in trying the cases, and courts are by our 1:2ws powerless to check them.

In England, lawyers stand up when impaneling juries or when examining witnesses, or making objections to the introduction of testimony. In Illinois, they are permitted to sit or lic down, :und resent it is an innovation if requested to assume an upright posture.

We want new court houses designed with special reference to the accomplishment of the objects of their erection, with all of the modern :ppliances and modern conveniences, and a bar willing to co-operate with the courts in all of their efforts to administer the laws and execute justice, and then over the entrance to the Temple of Justice should be inscribed in letters of gold, the words found in our Bill of Rights which supplement the great charter of King John:

“Every person onght to find a certain remedy in the laws for all injuries and wrongs which he may receive in his person, property or reputation; he ought to obtain by law, right and justice freely and without being obliged to purchase it, completely anal without denial, promptly and without del:ny."

Ellioll Anthony

A CENTURY OF REPUBLICANISM.

Following our Centennial celebration, when the public mind has been called to our constitutional government, it may not be unprofitable to calmly glance over our history and gather what lessons we may from our experience of a hundred years. When our fathers set out with their somewhat doubtful experiment of a republic, it was generally predicted that they would fail, and that in a few years they would return, if not to the subjection of England, at least to the refuge of a monarchy. It was then a question whether a republic was, under any circumstances, possible, and especially under the difficulties with which we had to contend-a great war on our hands disputing the existence of the nation itself, a great number of disconnected States with little community of interest, a wild region with almost no arts or industries, and a perpetual enemy of savages in our midst and on our borders.

It was doubtful, I say, whether, under such circumstances, a people could govern themselves, if, indeed, they could do so at all. It was apprehended, in particular, that, as republicans, we should be theoretical and visionary; that, with wild and impracticable ideals, we would not attempt the merely possible in government, or be content with anything we might realize; and that, in consequence, we should be revolutionary and unstable, always changing for something unattainable. It was thought, too, that in the variety of our individual opinions, in which every man would think himself supreme, we hould be irreconcilable as a whole, and unmanageable as at holy politic;

that, in our inexperience in government, and our impatience of moderation, the minority would not submit to the majority, or one department work harmoniously with another. In consequence of all this, it was thought that we should be beset with internal dissensions and insubordination, and be the prey of civil wars and anarchy, so that we would ultimately welcome a monarchy or even despotism, as a happy deliverance.

In the absence of that peace wþich was thought to belong only to an empire or strong personal government, it was believed, too, that there would be no adequate encouragement to industry; that in the insecurity of person and property which would follow our failures, we should not try to become rich. Depending on spoils and political preferments instead of labor (as republicans and liberals were then thought to do), it was contended that we would, instead of developing our resources, idly try to get what is our neighbor's by political reform. In brief, it was predicted that, instead of a great and prosperous career, we should not be able to maintain the status with which we set out.

Such was the prospect with which, in the eyes of the world, our fathers commenced their career a hundred years ago-a prospect which was shared also by many of our friends whose forebodings shadowed a dark future for us. For, with the exception of a few visionary Frenchmen, who were on the eve of their great revolution, there were few anywhere who were not convinced of the impossibility of it republic, and some of our own wisest statesmen thought our experiment of questionable expediency.

Now, in answer to these forbidding prophecies and forebodings, as well as to the unfavorable criticisms of to-day, we adduce the facts of our history for the past hundred years. The record which we as a republic have made in this time is full of significance to the statesman and historian.

And first, with regard to the apprehension that we should be be:jet with wars, and so be rendered incapable of realizing the advantages of peace. During all this time—that is, in the first century of our existence—we have had but two foreign wars, one with England in 1812, and one with Mexico in 1845; this

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