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law and order to Spitzbergen.25 On general principles it would seem that both East and West Antarctica, two lands so much more difficult for man to occupy than Spitzbergen, should, following the liberal policy that has come to prevail in the case of Spitzbergen, become common possessions of all of the family of nations. THOMAS WILLING BALCH.

25 Ibid, p. 941.

THE CRETAN QUESTION

The island of Minos, which at one time is supposed to have had the great honor of giving hospitality to Zeus or Jupiter during his infancy, thereby linking its name with that of celestial beings, seems to have been predestined by the Mæræ or Fates to be the perennial apple of discord between the descendants of Europa' the wife of the Supreme Olympian God.

There is so much confusion about its present condition and so many perplexing questions as to its actual status, that the diplomats in whose hands its destinies are intrusted, might possibly again need the clue or thread of Ariadne to find their way out of this Cretan labyrinth of modern times.

Conquered and reconquered at various times by alien nations, kept in bondage for centuries by the mercenary and unscrupulous Venetians, and held in serfdom by religious fanatics, such as Arabs and Turks, the former impressing upon them the necessity of union with the See of Rome as the means both for their earthly and heavenly salvation; the latter pointing the faith of Mohammed, in order to attain the same end, but with far inore brilliant results; oppressed both by the disciples of Christ and those of Mohammed, compelled to abjure their religion, at one time for the sake of the one, at another for that of the other faith, the Cretans are, what they were three thousand years ago, a branch of the Hellenic nation, and their island, the pearl of the Mediterranean, purely a Greek island, having never divested itself of its Hellenic soul.

Hence the main reason for its troubles; hence the sufferings of its inhabitants for so many centuries; hence its political entanglements. Europe, having at the time of the creation of the Hellenic Kingdom, made the initial mistake of leaving Crete under the Turkish voke notwithstanding the participation of the islanders in the war of Greek independence, is now trying, half-hearted, to repair the wrong done by its statesmen at that time.

Nor was the island profitable to the Ottoman Empire itself, on account of the frequent risings and insurrections of the people, taxing heavily on the already impoverished Turkish exchequer, not to say anything of the losses and sufferings undergone by the Cretans and Turks during the long struggle of independence on one side and supremacy on the other side.

After the insurrection of 1863-1866, which rising had evoked so much enthusiasm both in Europe and in the United States, the Cretans hoped for a moment that their ideal would be realized, on account of the inclination of the then reigning Sultan to abandon "the ungrateful infidels," but unfortunately Great Britain and Napoleon III. vetoed the plan, leaving Crete again in bondage, with a grant of an illusory autonomy.

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During the Russo-Turkish war of 1876-1878 the islanders raised again the standard of rebellion, this time with great success. fore the Congress of Berlin of 1878 taking notice of that fact, inserted a clause in the treaty bearing the name of that city, dealing with the autonomous regime of the island (which, it should be noted, was to be extended to the European provinces of Turkey), but the Sultan set at rest both plans by instituting a military government in Crete and shelving the other entirely, much to the merriment of the European chancelleries.

This naturally gave rise to further troubles and rebellion in the island and to repressive measures by the Porte accompanied by massacres on "a small scale," culminating in 1897 in the forcible intervention of Greece in the island, which enterprise met the disapproval of the European Concert and particularly of Emperor William of Germany, the then friend of the Sultan Hamid.

Therefore in a collective note, the six great Powers of Europe informed Greece that "Crete could not at present be annexed to the Hellenic Kingdom," but that they would confer on the island an absolutely effective autonomous regime insuring for it a separate government under the high suzerainty of the Sultan."

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On the occupation of the island or of its sea-coast towns by the international troops, which was done with the consent of Turkey, a proclamation referring to the grant of autonomy was issued by the

European admirals, to whom the government of the country was intrusted. Therefore the Cretan Assembly adopted a constitution of the island on the lines indicated in the proclamation, which met with the approval of the Powers.

After the Greco-Turkish war of 1897 and the forcible ejection of the troops of the Sultan from the island, on account of the massacres at Candia and particularly of the murder of British soldiers by the Turks, the four protecting Powers (Prince Bülow having in the meantime withdrawn "with his flute from the Concert," dragging also Austria with him), at the suggestion of Russia, appointed Prince George of Greece as their High Commissioner to govern the island in lieu of the admirals.

That step was taken against the will of Turkey, the Powers claiming to have the right of delegating their authority to whomever they pleased. As a matter of fact Prince George was not governor of the island, but only a delegate of the Powers.

Now the question may be asked what was the status of Crete, after that arrangement. Did she become a semi-sovereign state?

De jure, the island was only an autonomous Turkish province, because the Sultan had not consented to make Crete a separate state, and the Powers left that point unsettled.

But de facto and tacitly the island acquired the attributes of a semi-sovereign state, under the suzerainty of the Sultan, being temporarily placed under the protection of the four Powers.

In fact, in 1900 the Powers concluded a convention or an agreement with the Cretan Government in regards to the application of the capitulations in the island; and, furthermore, Turkey treated Crete as a foreign country by imposing on importations from the island the ordinary customs duties, which measure implied her tacit assent to the status of Crete as a separate state.

On July 23, 1906, the protecting Powers, through their consuls in the island, informed the Cretan Government that " as they wished to enlarge the autonomy of the island in a more national sense," they had asked King George of Greece to send to Crete officers of the Greek Army to be placed at the head of the local police and militia, promising to withdraw their troops from there, and added that

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'every forward step" for the realization of the national aspirations of the Cretans was conditional upon the maintenance of order in the island.

After the resignation of Prince George, the protecting Powers took the forward step which they had promised, and on September 14, 1909, made the following significant declaration to the Cretan Government:

The protecting Powers in order to show their wish to take into account, as far as possible, the aspirations of the Cretan people and to recognize in a practical manner the interest that His Majesty the King of the Hellenes shall take always in the prosperity of the island, they agreed to propose to His Majesty that in future, each time the position of the High Commissioner would be vacant, His Majesty after consultation with the Representatives of the Protecting Powers at Athens, should nominate a candidate capable of executing the mandate of the Powers in the island and notify officially his choice to them.

This "forward step" left no doubt in the minds of the Cretans and of the Sultan that the incorporation of the island with Greece was very near and expected to be accomplished on the withdrawal of the international troops from Crete.

The appointment of Mr. Zaimis, an ex-Greek Premier, as High Commissioner, proved very successful, satisfying not only the Cretans, but also the Powers.

But in the meantime the question of the status of the island was left where it was before, Mr. Zaimis being also not a governor, but a High Commissioner, namely, a delegate of the Powers on whose behalf he administered the island.

In September, 1908, Turkey, for the second time, declared itself to be "a constitutional country." Theoretically the Constitutional regime was only revived, because Sultan Hamid had in 1877 simply prorogued the "Parliament " sine die.

In October, 1908, Emperor Francis Joseph by a stroke of the pen incorporated into the Dual Monarchy, Bosnia and Herzegovina, the two Turkish provinces which were under his administration, Bulgaria having preceded him by declaring her independence.

The Cretans, the very next day, namely, cn October 17, 1908, proclaimed also their union with Greece, and appointed an Executive

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