in 1674. Results of 26 1674. years, Extent of Colony 1674. When that Company passed away, the Colony, with the exception of the plantations referred to, was still confined to a small island; its occupation was still limited to the very banks of the Essequibo; and its condition was little, if any, better than it had been in 1660. To summarize the results of 26 years (1648-1674): The Dutch, in an attempt to improve their precarious position on the Essequibo, had planned a settlement on the Pomeroon; had attempted it; had been too weak to maintain it, or even to complete the erection of its projected buildings; had abandoned it; had withdrawn to their little island on the Essequibo; and, except for a few plantations on the banks of that river in the immediate vicinity of the fort, found themselves, after the lapse of more than a quarter of a century, no further ahead than they had been when the treaty of Munster was signed in 1648. VII.-HISTORY OF THE ESSEQUIBO DUTCH POST. 1674-1700. In 1674 the old Dutch West India Company was End of the old and beginning of dissolved.* A wholly new West India Company took the new W. I. Co. its place; † and with this infusion of new blood hopes for a brighter future were kindled. The policy of trading to distant points, initiated by Hendrik Rol in 1670, was continued by his successor Abraham Beekman who, in 1679, sent one of his soldiers to the Pomeroon to barter for annatto dye. At this time the Pomeroon was entirely deserted.§ For the purpose of facilitating this trade with the Pomeroon he built there a little hut as a shelter for two or three men. As early as 1673 Hendrik Rol had, as already stated, begun to trade with the Spaniards and Caribs of the Orinoco, a trade carried on via the Moruca, the * In 1674, the old West India Company, so long in the agonies of death, at last expired. To take its place there had already been created (by charter of September 21, 1674) one wholly new, with territorial limits widely different. Instead of the entire coast of America, there were granted to the new one on that continent only "the places of Essequibo and Pomeroon." Of the situation or limits of these places there was no other definition than the phrase "situate on the continent of America." [U. S. Commission Report, i, 199.] + Appendix to Case, iii, 22. The river Pomeroon also promises some profit; for, in order to make trial of it, I sent thither in August last one of my soldiers to barter for annatto dye. [Appendix to Case, ii, 37.] § On receiving the aforesaid ill tidings I called in to the fort the abovementioned outlier in Pomeroon, both to save him from being surprised, along with the Company's goods, by these savages and to strengthen ourselves in case of attack. Accordingly he came to the fort on the 8th inst. with all the goods, bringing with him a barrel of annatto dye which he had there bought up. [Appendix to Case, ii, 38.] If the trade prospers, it would not be a bad idea to build there a hut for two or three men, so that they may dwell permanently among the Indians and occupy that river. [Appendix to Case, ii, 38.] Of this post, which was speedily established, one hears often in the letters of the next few years. [U. S. Commission Report, i, 219.] ¶ Appendix to Case, ii, 36; also U. S. Commission Report, i, 260. rinam Dutch in the Barima, 1684. French and Su- Waini and the Barima.* But Beekman, continuing Rol's policy, found rivals in that quarter competing for the trade. The Dutch from Surinam and the French were both strong competitors there; and in view of that fact, he determined, in 1684, to see whether he could not gain advantage by having one of the Company's servants take up his abode at Barima. Barima shelter, 1694. Accordingly, in 1684, he put up a "a small shelter”† there for the use of the Pomeroon outlier when he should from time to time visit the place.§ This action he re * U. S. Commission Report, i, 262. That this Carib traffic was not yet in Dutch hands is clear from Commandeur Beekman's letter of January, 1683, which cautions the Company that the Indians must not be repelled by too shrewd bargaining, since when offered trash for their wares they only meet you with the tart answer that they can swap for plenty of such things in Barima and elsewhere-“and there is some truth in this," he adds, “on account of the traffic which the French from the islands carry on there." [U. S. Commission Report, i, 262.] Beekman says: "This trade must as much as possible be kept secret that strangers may not spoil it." [Appendix to Case, ii, 38; also same, pp. 43-46, 51-52.] Note by Prof. Burr. As to what sort of a shelter (pleisterhuisje, literally "little resthouse") this probably was, we need not be in doubt. Adriaan van Berkel, writing of these Guiana colonies only a few years before (1672), gives us a vivid description of one (p. 16). He is speaking of a trip down the Berbice. "This night for the first time I slept on land, in the forest, with my hammock made fast to two trees. Just before I was ready to go to rest our slaves had built for me a pleisterhuisje—so called by both Christians and Indians-at the place where the hammock was to be stretched. There are four posts, the front ones somewhat higher than the rear ones, covered over with a roof of leaves, leaves uncommonly large, being usually 4 or 5 feet long and some 2 feet broad. Neither sun nor rain can here vex one, for the leaves lie so close upon each other that not even the rays of that great luminary can penetrate. Such pleisterhuisjes one sees along the entire river; and one has them built in a moment wherever one will, for an Indian is like the turtle-everywhere at home." And, for that matter, one meets them constantly in the records. (See, for example, the journals of the Surinam expedition of 1714, and of Hildebrandt, the mining engineer-U. S. Commission, Report, ii, pp. 224-228, 285-301.) Such one must have wherever one stayed over night. It is possibly worth noting that, while pleisterhuisje means a "little shelter," this on the Barima was only a "small pleisterhuisje"; yet it is quite as likely that the commandeur was only belittling the importance of his own action. On the other hand, when proposing a dwelling for a postholder he calls it a huysken, a hut. (See his letter of October 20, 1679, U. S. Commission, Report, ii, p. 145.) [U. S. Commission Report, i, 265, note.] § Pomeroon begins to furnish annually much and good annatto, and ported to the Company; but for his pains he received a caustic reply attacking his financial honor and his good sense; and he was ordered by the Company to stop forthwith all trade to the Orinoco.* For years no more is heard of this trade. The year 1686 marks a second futile attempt by the Dutch to expand the limits of their Essequibo settlement beyond its original island home. In that year Jacob de Jonge, a planter of Essequibo, was appointed Commandeur of a proposed colony on the Pomeroon.† A beginning much was brought from Barima, as appears from the enclosed list under No. 7, from which you will see how much has been got by barter here at the fort as well as by all the outliers. But Gabriel Biscop and other searovers from Surinam not only spoil that trade, but buy up all the letterwood, which is there fairly abundant and good, and also all the carap oil and hammocks, so that this year I have got only a very few, and they old and wretched. They traverse and scour the land even into the river Cuyuni. In order somewhat to check this, I have had a small shelter made in Barima: and Abraham Boudardt, who is stationed there [i. e., in Pomeroon] as outlier in place of Daniel Galle, who is going home, shall sometimes visit that place, etc. [U. S. Commission Report, i, 263, and Appendix to Case, ii, 45.] * The correspondence of the Zeeland Chamber, in whose hands was the immediate direction of the Guiana colonies, is preserved in full; but in their long reply to Beekman's letter there is from beginning to end no mention of Barima. That reply is, however, a mere string of reproaches. The poor commandeur's financial honor, his justice, his commercial good sense, are in turn discredited. He is accused of transcending his powers. Even the Dutch of his letters is found fault with. Amid this array of charges is one which may suggest why the matter of the Barima is ignored. "Concerning the trade to the Orinoco," which up to this time, as we have seen, had been constantly encouraged by the Company, they now write, "We find it advisable that you stop it, and neither trade thither yourself nor permit trade thither, directly or indirectly, until further orders-since we are of opinion that the Company bears all the expenses and burdens, while others help themselves to the profits." This charge of bad faith in his trade to the Orinoco is repeated in even more explicit terms in a later letter; and the reopening of this trade was not again urged until Abraham Beekman had given place to a successor. [U. S. Commission Report, i, 268; see also Appendix to Case, ii, 48-51.] There was read the petition of Jacob Pietersz. de Jongh, whereby he requests payment of a sum of £42 13s. 4d. Flemish, according to the balanced account given him by the Commandeur Abraham Beekman on April 10 in Rio Essequibo; and furthermore that he be allowed to settle as a free planter on the river Pomeroon, together with other planters who have also made a request to this effect, and that for this purpose the rivers Essequibo and Pomeroon be thrown open, * * * * * Barima shelter 1684. Pomeroon Col- ony of 1686. by French and Destruction of was made, but barely three years elapsed before this new omeroon Colony colony was completely destroyed by the French. These, Caribs. coming from Barima under the guidance of the Caribs, fell upon the colony and utterly dispersed it.* The French were at this time temporarily established on the Barima. No attempt was made to re-establish this And it was furthermore resolved to throw open hereby the rivers of Essequibo and Pomeroon to each and everyone who shall desire to navigate and trade thither, or to settle and dwell there. [Appendix to Case, ii, 53.] The Board of Ten has decided that the river of Essequibo, together with that of Pomeroon, shall be thrown open, and that henceforth each and everyone who shall desire to found plantations there shall be permitted to do so, and under not unfavorable conditions, as you will see from the missive written you by the Board of Ten aforesaid concerning this matter, and from the commission given to Jacob Pietersz. de Jonge as Commandeur of the river Pomeroon. [U. S. Commission Report, ii, 181.] * Noble, Honourable, Worthy Lords, July 6, 1689. * This letter of mine humbly to service to make Y. N. acquainted with what has happened since my last, as to how that we in the River Bourona have been suddenly attacked and overpowered by 33 French and about 300 Caribs the one party by water with 10 canoes and 3 coriáls, and the other party by land out of the wood (since we had no cannon and were but six men strong), to wit, the last day of last April; but I effected my escape, accompanied by some red slaves. The Caribs of the French party pursued me vigorously, so that I was compelled to hurry through the wood to escape them with my clothes all thrown off, and came at last with great distress into Essequibo to the fort, to give them warning of our miserable experiences. They had on the next day, being the 1st May, taken their departure from there, and had taken, moreover, with them everything that was there, and had used strong threats to the people that they would burn everything, unless they sought me out. * * * A few days after this I left again for Bourona to inspect what was the state of things, because not otherwise did it appear whether they should have murdered everyone, since they had so many Caribs with them. But I found my people all still alive, and continued my sojourn with my people there, until I received a letter from the Commandeur of Essequebo telling how the French were in the River Berbice engaged in hostilities against the other settlements; whereupon I straightway determined with my people to hasten to Essequebo, since we besides had no provisions to live upon. The bread that the Caribs had left there, not cut level with the ground, was very little, so that we in a body have departed for Essequebo, since the people of Berbice had warned the people of Essequebo, that they firmly believed that the French would also make attack on Essequebo. [Appendix to Case, ii, 60-61.] * * But it is the French of the Caribbean islands who seem to have been, in the seventeenth century, the especial patrons and allies of the Caribs |