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treaty was concluded with Prussia, calculated to relieve, in some degree, that unhappy power from the chains which had fettered it since the battle of Jena. Napoleon, vanquished by necessity, and standing in need of a hundred thousand soldiers of the Grand Army for the Peninsular war, was driven to more moderate sentiments. It was stipulated that, for the space of ten years, the Prussian army should not exceed forty thousand men; that Glogau, Stettin, and Cüstrin should be garrisoned by French troops till the entire payment of arrears of contributions of every description; that their garrisons, each four thousand strong, should be maintained and paid solely at the expense of Prussia; that seven military roads, for the use of France and her allies, should traverse the Prussian dominions; and that the arrears of the war-contributions should be reduced to one hundred and forty million francs, or £5,600,000 sterling; but that, at the expiration of forty days after these sums were provided for, the French troops should, with the exception of these fortresses, evacuate the Prussian dominions. To Prussia this evacuation was a source of unspeakable relief, and notwithstanding that the restriction on the army was both humiliating and hurtful, yet the cabinet of Frederick-William had no alternative but submission. They contrived, however, by the skilful change of the soldiers called out into actual service, to elude the most galling part of the obligation, and prepared the means of political resurrection in future times.

5. Napoleon, however, was well aware that, even after these treaties and precautions, he was still exposed to great danger from the renewed hostility of the German states in his rear, while engaged with the armies of England and Spain in front in the Peninsula, if he was not well established in the alliance with Russia. It was in the breast of Alexander that the true security for the peace of the Continent beyond the Rhine was to be found. This was more especially the case, as the losses and serious aspect

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of the Spanish war had already rendered it necessary to withdraw a large part of the Grand Army from the north of Germany; and before winter, not more than a hundred thousand French soldiers would remain to assert the French supremacy in the centre and north of Europe. pressed with these ideas, the French Emperor used his utmost efforts to bring Alexander into his views regarding Spain, and for this purpose he held out again the deceitful lure of an entire partition of the Turkish empire. So early as February 1808, he had written to the Czar, expressing his desire to settle now in a definitive manner the questions of the East, to admit Austria into a share of the spoil, and to set on foot in concert a gigantic expedition to India, which might finally destroy the English power in Hindostan. Alexander readily fell into the snare. "Ah! what a great man!" exclaimed he: now I see again the ideas of Tilsit. Tell him that I am devoted to him for life; my armies, my empire, are at his disposal. Your master wishes to interest Austria in the dismemberment of the Turkish empire; he is right: It is a wise thought; I at once agree to it. He wishes an expedition to India; I consent to it. I explained the difficulties with which it was attended during our conferences at Tilsit; but he is accustomed to set physical obstacles at naught. But let him not be uneasy; my preparations shall be proportioned to the difficulty." Not content with this, Napoleon resolved to do his utmost to prevail on the Czar to meet him at a town in the north of Germany, where the destinies of the world might be arranged. Such was the ascendant which he had gained over his mind during the negotiations at Tilsit, and such the attractions of the new objects of ambition in Finland and on the Danube, which he had the address to present to his ambition, that Alexander completely fell into his views. Erfurth was the town selected for this purpose, and there a conference was held between the two potentates, almost rivalling that of Tilsit in interest and impor

tance. On his route for Germany, the Emperor met large bodies of the Grand Army on their road from the Rhine to the Pyrenean frontier; he addressed them in one of those nervous proclamations which ever bear so strong an impress of his genius, but which, long the heralds of his victories, began now to afford a curious contrast to the disasters he was destined to undergo.* The troops traversed France in the highest spirits, animated by the Emperor's address, magnificently fêted by the municipalities, beneath triumphal arches, and amidst songs of congratulation from their fellow-citizens. Vain illusion! They were marching only to the scene of protracted agony, to whiten with their bones the fields of Spain; to a lengthened conflict, which, ushered in at first by brilliant victories, was destined in the end to thin their ranks by its carnage, and overwhelm their honour by its disasters.

6. The Emperor Alexander set out before Napoleon, and on his way paid a melancholy visit to the King and Queen of Prussia at Königsberg. Proceeding on his route, he rapidly traversed the Prussian states, received with marked gratification the honours paid to him by the French troops; took Marshal Lannes with him in his own carriage, and expressed publicly to the French officers the satisfaction

"Soldiers! after having triumphed on the banks of the Danube and the Vistula, you have traversed Germany by forced marches. I now make you traverse France without giving you a moment's repose. Soldiers! I have need of you. The hideous presence of the leopard [the arms of England] defiles the continent of Spain and Portugal. Let it fly dismayed at your appearance! Let us carry our arms to the columns of Hercules; there also we have outrages to avenge. Soldiers! you have surpassed the renown of all modern armies; but have you yet equalled the glory of the Roman legions, which in the same campaign frequently triumphed on the Rhine and the Euphrates, in Illyria and on the Tagus? A long peace, enduring prosperity, shall be the reward of your labours. A true Frenchman should never taste of repose till the seas are enfranchised from their oppressors. Soldiers all that you have already done, all that you will yet do for the happiness of the French people, will be eternally engraved in my heart."THIBAUDEAU, vii. 50.

which he felt "at finding himself among such brave men, such renowned warriors." Proceeding in this manner, and received, wherever he passed, with the utmost distinction by the French authorities, he arrived at Weimar late on the evening of the 26th September, and found everything prepared for his reception by his brother the Grandduke Constantine, and the French ambassador Caulaincourt, who had arrived two days before. Meanwhile Napoleon, in more than regal state, was leisurely advancing from Paris, surrounded by the sovereigns, princes, and ministers of Germany, enjoying the secret satisfaction of exhibiting the Russian Autocrat awaiting his arrival in an inconsiderable town of Germany, above five hundred miles distant from the nearest point of his dominions. At ten o'clock on the morning of the 27th, he made his public entry into Erfurth, and, after reviewing the troops, proceeded on horseback to meet Alexander, who had left Weimar at the same hour to approach his august ally. The two sovereigns met on the highway, between the villages of Ottsted and Nora, near a remarkable pear-tree, which is still to be seen on the road-side.† Alexander immediately descended from his carriage; Napoleon alighted from his horse, and the two monarchs embraced with the strongest marks of mutual esteem. The French Emperor was decorated with the order of St Andrew of Russia, the Russian bore the grand badge of the Legion of Honour on his bosom. Magnificent presents were interchanged on both parts; side by side the two Emperors rode into Erfurth, amidst the roar of artillery, the cheers of multitudes, and the thundering acclamations of ten thousand soldiers. When they arrived at the hotel prepared for the Czar, the monarchs again embraced, and ascended the stairs armin -arm. Napoleon requested Alexander to give the watchword of the day; he complied, and it was

"Er

The place between Ottsted and Nora, where this remarkable meeting took place, is still shown to travellers.-Personal Observation.

furth and confidence." The two sove- | In the midst of all this magnificence, reigns dined together, and in the evening a general illumination evinced the intoxicating joy of the inhabi

tants.

7. No adequate idea can be formed of the greatness of Napoleon's power, or the almost irresistible sway which he had acquired in northern and central Europe, but by those who witnessed the pomp and deference with which he was surrounded at Tilsit and Erfurth, and four years afterwards at Dresden. Environed by a brilliant cortège of marshals, generals, diplomatists, and staff-officers, he was at the same time the object of obsequious attention to a crowd of princes and inferior potentates, who depended on his breath for their political existence or nominal independence. All the beauty, rank, and distinction of Germany were assembled. Seventy princes or independent sovereigns were in attendance; and literally it might be said, that the monarchs of Europe watched for a favourable sign from the mighty conqueror's chamberlains.

however, he did deserved homage to the aristocracy of intellect: in one of the assemblies of all the potentates of Europe, he addressed Wieland and Goethe next after the Emperor Alexander, and before any of the corps of kings and princes who were watching for a look. The two Emperors spent the forenoons together, conversing on the public affairs of Europe and the separate plans of administration for their vast dominions; they then rode out in company to a review or inspection of their respective troops, dined alternately with each other, and in the evening went to the same box at the theatre. A brilliant band of the most distinguished French performers had come from Paris to grace the conference, and during a fortnight the theatre of Erfurth, resplendent with illustrious men and beautiful women, beheld the masterpieces of Racine and Corneille performed by the talents of Talma, Saint Pris, Mademoiselles Duchesnois and Bourgoin, besides a host of inferior performers.*

"when I

* The attentions of Alexander and Napo- your pardon," observed Napoleon; leon to each other at Erfurth, though deli- was a second lieutenant of artillery, I was three cate, were got up with so much anxiety, as years at Valence, and there I had the good to convey to the spectators the impression fortune to lodge with a learned person, in that the intimacy of Tilsit had somewhat de- whose library I learned that and many other clined, and that a feeling of which they were valuable details. Nature has given me a on every occasion so very solicitous to give memory singularly tenacious of figures.' public demonstration, could not in reality Mademoiselle Bourgoin, whose personal have a very deep foundation. On one occa- charms were equal to her talents as an acsion Alexander expressed great admiration tress, attracted the particular notice of the of a singularly beautiful dressing-case and Emperor Alexander; and he inquired of Nabreakfast set of porcelain and gold in Napo-poleon if there would be any inconvenience leon's sleeping apartment: they were sent to him as a present on the same evening. At the representation of Edipe on October 3, when the line was repeated,

"L'amitie d'un grand homme est un bienfait des dieux,"

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in his forming her personal acquaintance.
"None whatever," replied Napoleon,
cept that it would be a certain mode of mak-
ing you thoroughly known to all Paris.
The day after to-morrow, at the post hour,
the most minute particulars of your visits to
her will be despatched: and soon there will
not be a statuary in Paris who will not be in
a situation to model your person from head

Alexander turned to Napoleon, and presented to him his hand. A few days after, the Czar, when preparing to go into the salle-à-to foot."-This hint had the effect of cooling manger to dinner, perceived that he had forgotten his sword. Napoleon immediately unbuckled his own, and presented it to him. -"I accept it as a mark of your friendship," replied Alexander: "your Majesty may be well assured I shall never draw it against you." In the midst of all his grandeur, Napoleon had sufficient greatness of soul and true discernment to attempt no concealment of his origin. At dinner one day the conversation turned on the Golden Bull, and the primate of Germany insisted that it had been published in 1409.-"I beg

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the rising passion of the Russian Emperor, who, with all his admiration for the fair sex, had an extreme apprehension of such a species of notoriety. It was at Erfurth that Napolcon made the memorable observation to Talma on his erroneous view of the character of Nero, in the Britannicus of Racine; viz., that the poet had not represented him as a tvrant in the commencement of his career; and that it was not till love, his ruling passion at the moment, was thwarted, that he became violent, cruel, and oppressive.-LAS CASES, iv. 232; and THIBAUDEAU, vii. 61, 65, 71.

8. On the 6th October the whole | the contrary, with a distinct prophetic court proceeded to Weimar, where anticipation of an approaching rethey were magnificently entertained sumption of hostilities, that the conby the Grand-duke of that place; and ference of Erfurth took place. NapoNapoleon enjoyed the satisfaction of leon clearly perceived that Austria conversing with Goethe, Wieland, and was about to take advantage of his the other illustrious men who have immersion in the Peninsular war, and thrown an imperishable lustre over of the extraordinary preparations which German literature. On the 7th, the England was making for a Continental august party visited the field of Jena. campaign, to renew the contest in GerAn elegant temple had been construct- many; and it was to Russia alone that ed by the Grand-duke on the highest he could look for a sure guarantee of summit of the Landgrafenberg, the the peace of the north of Europe dur scene of Napoleon's frigid bivouac two ing the arduous crisis which was apyears before, on the night before the proaching. Albeit internally convinced battle; and a little lower down were of the necessity of a fearful contest in a number of tents, of sumptuous con- the end with the power of France, struction, where the Emperor and his Alexander was not less sensible of the cortège of kings were entertained, and importance of gaining time for the from whence he pointed out to Alex- preparations for it. He was strongly ander the line of the different move-impressed with the conviction, that ments which, on that memorable spot, the peculiar and national interests of had led to the overthrow of the Czar's Russia were in the mean time chiefly most cherished projects. At length, to be promoted by remaining firm in after seventeen days spent together the French alliance, and that, when in the closest intimacy, the two Em- the evil day did come, the best preperors, on the 14th October, the anni-paration for it would be found in the versary of the battle of Jena, rode out together to the spot where they had met on the 27th September; they there alighted from their horses, and walked side by side for a few minutes in close conversation, and then, embracing, bade each other a final adieu. Alexander returned rapidly towards Poland; Napoleon remeasured his steps slowly and pensively towards Erfurth. They never met again in this world.*

9. But it was neither to amuse themselves with reviews and theatrical representations, nor to make proposals to Austria and England, which they were well aware would not be listened to, that the two Emperors had come so far and remained together so long. It was with no view to peace, but, on

* In one of their conversations, Alexander strongly represented to the French Emperor the resistance which he experienced in his senate from the aristocratic chiefs in his projects for the public good. "Believe me,' said Napoleon, how large soever a throne may be, it will always be found too small for two masters."-MONTGAILLARD, vi. 354.

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Though Austria was not admitted as a party to the conference at Erfurth, Baron Vincent, envoy of the cabinet of Vienna,

augmentation of the strength of the empire in Finland and on the Danube, which was likely to follow an adherence to his present engagements. Thus, while both these great potentates were lavishing professions of friendship and regard to each other, they were in reality nursing the feelings destined. to lead to inextinguishable hostility in their hearts. Napoleon returned, almost blinded by Russian flattery, to Paris, to prepare, in the subjugation of the Peninsula, the means of array-ing the countless host which he was afterwards to lead to the Kremlin; and Alexander, loaded with French pre-sents, remeasured his steps to Muscovy to organise the force destined, after adding Finland and the principalities on the Danube to his domincame with a letter from the Emperor Francis, on the subject of the armaments on either side in southern Germany; and a joint memorial was presented by the Emperors of France and Russia, proposing a termination of hostilities to the government of Great. Britain. But these important state papers will more fitly come under consideration in. the succeeding chapters, which treat specifically of the affairs of Austria and England. at this momentous crisis of their history.

ions, to hurl back to the Seine the tide | whole extent of the formal treaty; but of Gallic invasion.*

10. The conferences of Erfurth were reduced, after various proposals on both sides had been considered, to a formal treaty on October 12, which was to be kept secret during ten years. By it France recognised Finland, Wallachia, and Moldavia, as integral parts of the Russian empire, and engaged, if negotiations to that effect should be set on foot with the court of Stockholm and the Divan, to abstain from all mediation or interference. England, also, as the price of any pacification, was to recognise the same acquisitions to Russia, which on its side agreed to the whole changes of dynasty effected by Napoleon in the Spanish peninsula. An invitation to peace was to be sent to England on the same conditions of agreeing to the whole Peninsular changes. In the event of war being continued between Russia and Turkey, France was not to interfere, unless Austria made common cause with the Porte, in which case Napoleon was to make common cause with Russia; and if Austria declared war against France, Russia was to attack that power on the side of Galicia. An indemnity for its losses was to be procured for Denmark, and no further partition permitted of Turkey by any power whatever, without the consent of France and Russia. This was the

"The Emperor Alexander," says Boutourlin, "felt that the alliance concluded at Tilsit, and cemented at Erfurth, as soon as it ceased to be conformable to the interests of Napoleon, would come to an end; and that the grand crisis was approaching which was destined either to consolidate the universal empire which the French Emperor was endeavouring to establish on the Continent, or to break the chains which retained so many

Continental states under his rule. Deter

mined never to submit to any condition inconsistent with the honour of his crown, the Emperor of Russia regarded the rupture as near and unavoidable, and thenceforward applied himself silently to organise the immense resources of his states, to resist the danger which was approaching; a danger which promised to be the more terrible that Russia would have to sustain it to all appearance unsupported, against the accumulated forces of the greater part of Europe.". BOUTOURLIN, i. 45.

+ See the articles of this secret treaty, first given in BIGNON, viii. 5, 11.

verbal conferences between the two Emperors, of equal moment, and to the same general purport, took place. In these the great object of the two potentates was to obtain the consent of each other to their respective projects of aggrandisement at the expense of the lesser states in their vicinity; and their mutual interests or necessities rendered this an easy task. Alexander gave his sanction to the invasion of Spain and Portugal, and the placing of princes of the Napoleon dynasty on the thrones of the Peninsula, as well as to the establishment of Murat in the kingdom of Naples, and the annexation of Tuscany to the French empire. The effects of this consent soon appeared in the accrediting of Russian ambassadors to the courts of these infant sovereigns. On the other hand, Napoleon consented to the uniting of Finland, Moldavia, and Wallachia to the already vast dominions of the Czar, admitted his relation and future brother-in-law, the Grand-duke of Oldenburg, into the Confederation of the Rhine, gave satisfactory explanation in regard to the grand-duchy of Warsaw, and held out to the Emperor of the East the prospect of obtain. ing aid from France in the attempt to stretch his mighty arms over the Asiatic Continent, and gave a deadly wound to the power of England on the plains of Hindostan. Two different plans for the partition of the Turkish empire were here brought under discussion, as they had been at the previous conferences between Caulaincourt and Romanzoff. The first was the one previously arranged at Tilsit, whereby Russia was to obtain Wallachia, Moldavia, and Bulgaria, as far as the Balkan; the connivance of Austria was to be procured by the cession of Bosnia to the Imperial crown, and Servia as an appanage for one of the archdukes of the house of Hapsburg. France was to obtain Macedonia, Albania, Greece, and the Isles, with Candia. The second plan was much more extensive, and would, if carried into effect, have made a total change in the world. Russia, according to this

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