X NEVER since the commencement of the war had the affairs of this country, of Europe, and of the world, worn so dark an aspect, as at the entrance of the new year. The continental war, which had excited such high, and at one time such reasonable hopes, had ended not more triumphantly for France, than disgracefully for the ally of England and for England herself. The total sacrifice of all honourable feeling made by the house of Hapsburg, in uniting itself to Buonaparte, as yet was not even suspect ed; but it was apparent that that house was at his mercy, and that Austria, having thrown down her arms, existed by his sufferance. In the peninsula, a campaign which opened with the fairest auspices, had terminated disastrously: the golden opportunity, when by one great effort proportion ate to the occasion, Great Britain might have exterminated the French

VOL. III. PART I.

in Spain, was gone by; and the defeats which the Spaniards had sustained were far more disheartening than those of the preceding winter, because they evinced that neither had the armies improved in discipline, nor the government profited by experience. It was but too plain, that, notwithstanding the show of resistance made at the Sierra Morena, the kingdoms of Andalusia were in fact open to the enemy; so supine was the central junta, as to make it even probable that Cadiz itself might be betrayed or surprised; and if, now that Buonaparte had no other object, he should march a great force against the English in Portugal, there were few persons who had sufficient knowledge of the country, and of the character of the people, to look onward to the issue without dismay. In all parts of the world, even those which were secured by distance and the seas from

the restless ambition of France, the prospect was little less gloomy, Spa nish America was on the point of civil war, a crisis which the detestable misgovernment of the old court had long been preparing, and the junta, by their culpable neglect, accelerated what they might now so easily have prevented. Our own affairs in America were hardly in a better condition than those of our allies; the dispute with the United States had been renew ed with fresh violence, at a moment when it seemed to be closed, and the temper of the president, and of that part of the people whom his conduct and language encouraged in their insults and outrages, was such, as rendered accommodation more difficult than ever. From India intelligence of a more painful nature had arrived, disputes had arisen there between the civil and military powers, and though those disputes were now concluded, or at least suspended, it was not till a part of the Madras army had broken out in actual rebellion. But of all calamities, foreign or domestic, none so deeply affected the English people as the lamentable expedition to Walcheren; every thing which could excite astonishment, and anguish, and indignation, was united in that deplorable history: its origin, progress, and termination, were alike intolerable to recollect; it began in folly, it was conducted by imbecillity, and it ended in disgrace.

The common council voted an address to his majesty upon this unhappy expedition, praying, that an early and strict inquiry might be instituted into the cause of its failure. The livery also voted an address, but in a different temper. It was couched in intemperate language, attributing all our failures and disasters to the abuscs and corruptions of the state; and

the lord mayor and sheriffs pledged themselves to deliver it into the king's own hand, unless they were refused. The city remembrancer accordingly waited upon the secretary of state, to know when his majesty would receive it, and stated a wish to present it at the next leyee. At the next private levee, the secretary, having consulted his majesty, informed the lord mayor and sheriff, it was the king's pleasure that their petition should be delivered at the secretary of state's office, his majesty having, for the last four years, discontinued public levees on account of his loss of sight. They then offered to present it at the private levee, when they presented the petition of the common council, but they were not permitted, and the secretary offered to take it, and save them the trouble of calling at his office. This they, on their part, declined, saying they could not present it, except to his majesty personally. The sheriffs afterwards waited upon the secretary, and requested that he would apply for a private audience. He replied, his majesty had already signified his pleasure. Upon this the livery assembled again, and passed a string of resolutions, declaring that it was their undoubted right to present their petition to the king sitting upon his throne, though out of personal feelings they had at the last common hall waved the exercise of this right; that the denial which they had received was a flagrant violation of the right of petitioning, and whoever had advised his majesty not to receive their petition, had committed a scandalous breach of duty, violated one of the first principles of the constitution, and abused the confidence of the sovereign. They resolved also, that the sheriffs, attended by Mr Remembrancer, should forthwith wait

upon his majesty, and deliver these resolutions into his own hand. The sheriffs accordingly addressed a letter to Mr Secretary Ryder, informing him, that they should attend at the next private levee to present the resolutions, unless it should be his majesty's pleasure to receive them at some other time and place for that purpose. The secretary returned for answer, that having laid their letterbefore the king, he had it in command to inform them, that his majesty had already signified his pleasure that all addresses (excepting only those of the body corporate of London and the two universities) should be transinitted to the secretary of state, to be by him laid before the king; his majesty did not think it fit to depart from the same conduct in respect of the resolutions of the livery. Had they been deputed from the body corporate, he would have received them as he was in the habit of doing, and as he had recently done; but, deputed as they were, he could not, without admitting communications to be made in like manner by other classes of his subjects, and thereby exposing himself to that personal in convenience, in the present state of his sight, which the discontinuance of public levees was intended to prevent. To the address of the common council, of which the language and the spirit were equally becoming, the king replied, he regretted that a part only of the important objects of the expedition had been effected; but he did not judge it necessary to direct any military inquiry into the conduct of the commander: it was for parlia ment in their wisdom to ask for such information, and take such measures upon the subject as they might deem most conducive to the public good.

Things were in this state when par

liament was opened by commission on January 23. The speech expressed deep regret that Austria had been compelled to conclude a disadvantageous peace. "Although the war was undertaken," it said, " by that power without encouragement on the part of Great Britain, every effort was made for the assistance of Austria which his majesty deemed consistent with the due support of his allies, and with the welfare and interest of his own dominions. An attack upon the naval armaments and establishments in the Scheldt, afforded at once the prospect of destroying a growing force, which was daily becoming more formidable to the security of the country, and of diverting the exertions of France from reinforcing her armies on the Danube, and controuling the spirit of resis tance in the north of Germany. These considerations determined his majesty to employ his forces in an expedition to the Scheldt, and although the principal ends of the expedition had not been attained, he confidently hoped, that advantages materially affecting the security of his dominions, in the further prosecution of the war, would be found to result from the demolition of the docks and arsenals at Flushing. Upon this subject, such documents and papers should be laid before parliament, as would afford satisfactory information. With regard to Sweden," it was said, "his majesty had uniformly notified to that power his decided wish, that in determining upon the question of peace or war with France, and other continental powers, she should be guided by considerations resulting from her own situation and interests; while therefore he lamented that Sweden should have found it necessary to purchase peace