an unprecedented violation of state rights, and as menacing their sovereignty and independence. His declaration to congress, that "perseverance on the part of Georgia in acts of encroachment upon the territories secured to the Indians by a solemn treaty, would compel the executive of the United States to enforce the laws, and fulfil the duties of the nation, by all the. force committed for that purpose to his charge," was represented as an attempt to intimidate the state authorities by the United States military. Whilst these specific complaints were openly made, of encroachments upon the rights reserved to the states; general accusations were propagated of a systematic design, on the part of the last as well as of the present administration, to destroy the local governments, and to consolidate all the powers of sovereignty in the federal government. The new subjects which, in the pressure of other matters, had been overlooked; but which the developed wants of the community had now forced upon the attention of congress, were all enumerated as new instances of a departure from the constitution; and the expenditures of a government over twelve millions of people, were compared with its expenses, when the popu lation did not equal half that number, and the increase was relied on to prove the corruption and ex. travagance of those who administered it. These topics were not only urged in the speeches in congress, but were mentioned in the messages of some of the state governors, who were inimical to the administration; and in a letter from a distinguished leader of the opposition, to the le. gislature of New-York, after expressing his acknowledgment for his re-election to the senate, he proceeds to say, that he shall zealously exert himself to protect the remaining rights reserved to the states. Every thing indicated, that a division of parties was about to take place, and that one of the main grounds of the opposition, would be that the powers of the national government ought to be diminished. Besides the obnoxious measures which excited so much warmth, doctrines and principles were cited as a jus. tification of the opposition to the present administration. The recommendations of the president of a national university, an astronomical observatory, and of other objects of general interest, were particularly criticised, as proofs of the tendency of the national government to consolidation; and the authority to create such institutions by congress was denied, on the ground that no specific grant of such power existed in the constitution. On the other hand, the friends of the administration contended, that these subjects were necessarily matters of national legislation, and that those, to which the strongest cb. jections were made, were in conformity with the settled practice of the government. The power of making internal improvements,had been repeatedly sanctioned in congress by a continually increasing majority; and that of promoting domestic industry, by augmenting the duties on imported goods, was one of the powers first exercised (and with that express view) by the federal government upon its organization in 1789, and at that time was not questioned by any party. The uniform practice of the government was appealed to, and the debates in the state conventions called to ratify the federal compact, were cited, to prove that these were among the evils which the constitution was intended to remedy, and to show, that such was the contemporaneous construction of that in strument. Whilst the constitutional objections to the exercise of these powers were thus discussed by the opponents and the friends of the administration; a much larger number were induced to espouse the opposition party, from a belief of the inexpediency of exercising them, although they conceded, that they were within the legitimate scope of its authority. This objection, as to their inex pediency, was especially urged against the propriety of using the power of the federal government, for the purpose of making internal improvements, and also to any augmentation of duties with the view of encouraging domestic manufactures. An unwillingness to introduce into the national councils so pregnant a source of dissentions, as the power of making roads and canals, and an undisguised reluctance to invest the general government with the patronage naturally flowing from this power, induced some to array themselves against this policy, who were in general satisfied with the administration of the government. Obvious considerations, derived from the science of political economy, were also urged against any system for the protection of domestic industry. The mercantile part of the community, in especial, was strongly impressed with the inexpediency of such measures, and a large portion of that class, in the middle states, alleged that as their ground of opposition to the administration. Had the party in opposition to the government confined itself to objections, either growing out of a difference of opinion as to its powers, or the mode of administering it, the political contest must have been conducted with calmness, and the reason of the electors, and not their passions, would have predominated at the polls. Unfortunately, how ever, charges imputing personal position. This accusation was im dishonour, both to the president and the secretary of state, were widely circulated by the partisans of the opposition, though not in such a shape, as to enable those interested in refuting them to take any public notice of the accusation. In the mean time, the public mind was exasperated by these insinuations, which, although unproved, were widely diffused. Criminations and recriminations became frequent. Improper motives were imputed to the leading men of both parties, and an embittered feeling began to take the place of the calmness and tranquillity, which had hitherto predominated in the political world. At length the charge of bargain and intrigue proceeded from a quarter, which called for an answer, and brought on an investigation, that resulted in the complete acquittal of the parties accused. Directly after the adjournment of the 19th congress, a letter, dated March 8th, 1825, appeared in the public newspapers, purporting to relate a conversation with Gen. Jackson, in which he said that Mr. Clay's friends in congress proposed to his friends, that if they would promise for him, that Mr. Adams should not be continued as secretary of state, Mr. Clay and his friends would at once elect Gen. Jackson president, and that he (Gen. Jack son) indignantly rejected the pro mediately repelled as untrue, and Mr. Beverly, the author of the letter, being severely attacked in the newspapers on account of it, wrote to Gen. Jackson for a confirmation of his statement. In reply to this letter, Gen. Jackson gave an account of the negotiation which was commenced with him in relation to his advancement to the presidency. According to his statement, early in January, 1825, a member of corgress, of high respectability, visited him, and after some preliminary remarks concerning a great intrigue which was going on, said that he had a communication to make, which, after some apologies on his part, and Gen. Jackson's permission, he proceeded to make, in thre following manner : "He said that he had been informed by the friends of Mr. Clay, that the friends of Mr. Adams had made overtures to them, saying, if Mr. Clay and his friends would unite in aid of the election of Mr. Adams, Mr. Clay should be secre tary of state. That the friends of Mr. Adams were urging, as a reason to induce the friends of Mr. Clay to accede to their proposition, that if I was elected president, Mr. Adams would be continued secretary of state, (inuendo, there would be no room for Kentucky.) That the friends of Mr. Clay stated, the west did not wish to separate from the west; and if I would say, or permit any of my confidential friends to say, that in case I was elected president, Mr. Adams should not be continued secretary of state, by a complete union of Mr. Clay and his friends, they would put an end to the presidential contest in one hour. And he was of opinion it was right to fight such intriguers with their own weapons. To which, in substance, I replied, that in politics, as in every thing else, my guide was principle; and contrary to the expressed and unbiased will of the people, or their constituted agents, 1 never would step into the presidential chair;' and requested him to say to Mr. Clay and his friends, (for I did suppose he had come from Mr. Clay, although he used the term of Mr. Clay's friends,) 'that before I would reach the presidential chair by such means of bargain and corruption, I would see the earth open and swallow both Mr. Clay and his friends and myself with them. If they had not confidence in me to believe, if I was elected, that I would call to my aid in the cabinet men of the first virtue, talent and integrity, not to vote for me.' The second day after this communication and reply, it was announced in the newspapers that Mr. Clay had come out openly and avowedly in favour of Mr. Adams." were directly charged with having proposed to Gen. Jackson, through a distinguished member of congress, to vote for him, in case he would declare, that Mr. Adams should not be continued as secretary of state; and it was insinuated that this proposition was made by authority of Mr. Clay; and, in order to strengthen that insinuation, it was asserted that immediately after the rejection of the proposition, Mr. Clay came out openly for Mr. Adams. To these charges Mr. Clay gave at once an unqualified denial so far as he himself was concerned, and professed his entire disbelief in them as it respected his friends; and after speaking severely of Gen. Jackson as his accuser, expressed his strong gratification "that a specific accusation by a responsible accuser had at length appeared." In the letter making this statement, Gen. Jackson had intimated his determination to give the name of the member of congress alluded to, in case Mr. Clay should, under his own name, deny all knowledge of the negotiation. In compliance with that promise, he now stated, that the person alluded to, was James Buchanan, a representative of Pennsylvania. He,moreover, stated, that having always understood that Mr. Buchanan had, until that moment, been on familiar and friendly terms with Mr. Clay, he could draw no other In this letter Mr. Clay's friends inference, than that Mr. Buchanan was authorized to make the propo- porter of Gen. Jackson himself, sition he did. "His character with me, (says Gen. Jackson,) forbids the idea that he was acting on his own responsibility, or that under any circumstances he could have been induced to propose an arrange. ment, unless possessed of satisfacfactory assurances, that if accepted, it would be carried fully into effect." Under that impression, in answer to what he considered "the cautiously submitted proposition of some authorized person," he said that he requested Mr. Buchanan to say "to Mr. Clay and his friends," what his sentiments were in relation to that proposition. He, however, disclaimed making any charge against Mr. Clay, and denied having accused him of being privy to that communication. This controversy having excited great interest, Mr. Buchanan found himself compelled to make a statement of the communication alluded to, which he immediately did, entirely exculpating Mr. Clay and his friends from all participation in the alleged proposition. He stated, that in the month of December, a rumour was in circulation at Washington, that Gen. Jackson intended, if elected, to keep Mr. Adams in as secretary of state. Believing that such a belief would cool his friends and inspire his opponents with confidence, and being a sup he thought that the General ought to contradict the report. With the view of obtaining such a contradiction, after consulting several of the friends of Gen. Jackson, and, among others, Gen. Eaton and Mr. Markley, who coincided with him in opinion, as to the expediency of obtaining some declaration from the General, for the purpose of inducing the western members to believe, that Mr. Adams would not be continued by him as secretary of state, Mr. Buchanan, on the 30th of December, 1824, called on him. After stating that such a report was in circulation, Mr. Buchanan went on to say, that he must perceive how injurious it must prove to his election-that no doubt, there were several able and ambitious men in the country, among whom I thought Mr. Clay might be included, who were aspiring to that office; and if it were believed, that he had already determined to appoint his chief competitor, it might have a most unhappy effect upon their exertions, and those of their friends. That unless he had so determined, I thought that this report should be promptly contradicted under his own authority. To this Gen. Jackson replied, that though he thought well of Mr. A., he had never said, or intimated, that he would or would not, appoint him secretary of state. That |