And let me show you him that made the will.
Shall I descend? And will you give me leave?

All. Come down.

2d Cit. Descend.

[He comes down from the pulpit.

3d Cit. You shall have leave.

4th Cit. A ring! Stand round!

1st Cit. Stand from the hearse, stand from the body.
2d Cit. Room for Antony-most noble Antony !
Ant. Nay, press not so upon me; stand far off.

90

All. Stand back! room! bear back!

Ant. If you have tears, prepare to shed them now.

You all do know this mantle. I remember

The first time ever Cæsar put it on;

'Twas on a summer's evening in his tent,

That day he overcame the Nervii.

Look! in this place ran Cassius' dagger through;

See, what a rent the envious Casca made!

Through this the well-beloved Brutus stabbed;

And, as he plucked his cursed steel away,
Mark how the blood of Cæsar followed it!
As rushing out of doors, to be resolved.
If Brutus so unkindly knocked, or no.

95

100

105

For Brutus, as you know, was Cæsar's angel;

Judge, oh you gods! how dearly Cæsar loved him.

This was the most unkindest cut of all;

For when the noble Cæsar saw him stab,

Ingratitude, more strong than traitors' arms,

110

Quite vanquished him; then burst his mighty heart :
And, in his mantle muffling up his face,

Even at the base of Pompey's statue,

Which all the while ran blood, great Cæsar fell.

Oh, what a fall was there, my countrymen!

115

Then I, and you, and all of us fell down,
Whilst bloody treason flourished over us.
Oh, now you weep; and I perceive you feel
The dint of pity: these are gracious drops.

Kind souls!

What! weep you when you but behold

Our Cæsar's vesture wounded? Look you here!

Here is himself, marred, as you see, with traitors.

1st Cit. O piteous spectacle!

2d Cit. O noble Cæsar!

3d Cit. O woful day!

4th Cit. O traitors! villains!

1st Cit. O most bloody sight!

120

125

2d Cit. We will be revenged! Revenge! About-seekburn-fire-kill-slay! Let not a traitor live!

spec'-ta-cle trai'-tors

leg'-a-cy, anything left by will.
iss'-ue, children; descendants.
Mark An'-to-ny, a connection of
Cæsar through his mother.
He stabbed himself 31 B.C.,
after being defeated by Augus-
tus at Actium.

man'-tle, cloak.
Cas'-si-us, a Roman noble upon
whom Cæsar had bestowed
great honour, and the author
of the conspiracy to kill
him.

en'-vi-ous, grudging the fame or
advancement of others.

Cas'-ca, the conspirator who aimed
the first thrust at Cæsar.
in-grat'-i-tude, want of thankfulness
for benefits received.
van'-quished, conquered.
Pom'-pey's sta'-tu-e, a statue in
honour of Pompey, a rival of
Cæsar, who had been conquered
by him.

vest'-ure, the cloak or outer gar-
ment worn by Cæsar.
trai'-tor, one who betrays or acts
falsely.

EXERCISES.-1. The affixes -age, -ance, -ancy, -dom, -ence, -ency, -head, -hood, -ice, denote state, condition, being, quality; as bond, bondage ; abound, abundance; constant, constancy; king, kingdom; innocent, innocence; lenient, leniency; God, Godhead; child, childhood; just, justice.

2. Analyse and parse the following:

'The evil that men do lives after them;

The good is oft interrèd with their bones:

So let it be with Cæsar.'

3. Make sentences of your own, and use in each one or more of the following words: Mutiny, legacy, ransom, ambitious.

SPEECH OF LORD CHATHAM.

[This brilliant speech was delivered in the House of Peers, at the opening of parliament in November 1777, on our employing mercenary troops and Indians in the war with America. In spite of the eloquence of Lord Chatham, his amendment was rejected by a vote of ninety-seven to twenty-four.]

1. I cannot, my lords, I will not, join in congratulation on misfortune and disgrace. This, my lords, is a perilous and tremendous moment. It is not a time for adulation; the smoothness of flattery cannot save us in this rugged and awful crisis. It is now necessary to instruct the throne in the language of truth. We must, if possible, dispel the delusion and darkness which envelop it, and display, in its full danger and genuine colours, the ruin which is brought to our doors.

2. Can ministers still presume to expect support in their infatuation? Can parliament be so dead to its dignity and duty, as to give their support to measures thus obtruded and forced upon them? Measures, my lords, which have reduced this late flourishing empire to scorn and contempt! But yesterday, and Britain might have stood against the world; now, none so

poor as to do her reverence.' The people, whom we at first despised as rebels, but whom we now acknowledge as enemies, are abetted against us, supplied with every military store, have their interest consulted and their ambassadors entertained by our inveterate enemy-and ministers do not, and dare not, interpose with dignity or effect.

3. The desperate state of our army abroad is in part known. No man more highly esteems and honours the British troops than I do; I know their virtues and their valour; I know they can achieve anything but impossibilities; and I know that the conquest of British America is an impossibility. You cannot, my lords, you cannot conquer America. What is your present situation there? We do not know the worst; but we know that in three campaigns we have done nothing, and suffered much.

4. You may swell every expense, accumulate every assistance, and extend your traffic to the shambles of every German despot: your attempts will be for ever vain and impotent-doubly so, indeed, from this mercenary aid on which you rely; for it irritates, to an incurable resentment, the minds of our adversaries, to overrun them with the mercenary sons of rapine and plunder, devoting them and their possessions to the rapacity of hireling cruelty. If I were an American, as I am an Englishman, while a foreign troop was landed in my country, I never would lay down my arms-never, never, never!

5. But, my lords, who is the man that, in addition to the disgraces and mischiefs of the war, has dared to authorise and associate to our arms the tomahawk and scalping-knife of the savage?-to call into civilised alliance the wild and inhuman inhabitant of the

woods?-to delegate to the merciless Indian the defence of disputed rights, and to wage the horrors of his barbarous war against our brethren? My lords, these enormities cry aloud for redress and punishment.

6. But, my lords, this barbarous measure has been defended, not only on the principles of policy and necessity, but also on those of morality; for it is perfectly allowable,' says Lord Suffolk, 'to use all the means which God and nature have put into our hands.' I am astonished, I am shocked, to hear such principles confessed; to hear them avowed in this house, or in this country. My lords, I did not intend to encroach so much on your attention, but I cannot repress my indignation-I feel myself impelled to speak. My lords, we are called upon as members of this house, as men, as Christians, to protest against such horrible barbarity! That God and nature have put into our hands!'

7. What ideas of God and nature that noble lord may entertain, I know not; but I know that such detestable principles are equally abhorrent to religion and humanity. What! to attribute the sacred sanction of God and nature to the massacres of the Indian scalping-knife! to the cannibal savage, torturing, murdering, devouring, drinking the blood of his mangled victims ! Such notions shock every precept of morality, every feeling of humanity, every sentiment of honour. These abominable principles, and this more abominable avowal of them, demand the most decisive indignation.