CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH (1580–1631) SMITH IS CAPTURED BY THE [From A True Relation.] Our store being now indifferently wel provided with corne, there was much adoe for to have the pinace goe for England, against which Captain Martin and my selfe stood chiefly against it: and in to fine after many debatings pro et contra, it was resolved to stay a further resolution: This matter also quieted, I set forward to finish this discovery, which as yet I had neglected in regard of the 15 necessitie we had to take in provision whilst it was to be had. 40. miles I passed up the river, which for the most part is a quarter of a mile broad, and 3. fatham and a half deep, exceedingly 20 osey, many great low marshes, and many high lands, especially about the midst at a place called Moysonicke, a Peninsule of 4. miles circuit, betwixt two rivers joyned to the main by a neck of 40. or 25 50. yards, and 40. or 50. yards from the high water marke: on both sides in the very necke of the maine, are high hills and dales, yet much inhabited, the Ile declining in a plaine fertile corne field, 30 the lower end a low marsh. More plentie of swannes, cranes, geese, duckes, and mallards, and divers sorts of fowles, none would desire: more plaine fertile planted ground, in such great proportions 35 as there, I had not seene; of a light blacke sandy mould, the cliffes commonly red, white, and yellow coloured sand, and under, red and white clay; fish in great plenty, and people aboundance: 40 the most of their inhabitants, in view of the neck of Land, where a better seat for a towne cannot be desired: 45 At the end of forty miles, this river invironeth many low Ilands at each high water drowned for a mile, where it uniteth it selfe at a place called Apokant, the highest towne inhabited. 10. miles higher, I discovered with a barge: in the mid way, a greate tree hindered my pas- 50 sage, which I cut in two. Heere the river became narrower, 8. 9. or 10. foote at a high water, and 6. or 7. at a lowe: the streame exceeding swift, and the bottom 5 hard cahnnell: the ground, most part a low plaine, sandy soyle. This occasioned me to suppose it might issue from some lake or some broad ford, for it could not be far to the head, but rather then than I would endanger the barge by going up further, I resolved to [etc.]1 Yet to have beene able to resolve this doubt, and to discharge the imputation of malicious tungs, that halfe suspected I durst not, for so long delaying: some of the company as desirous as my self, we resolved to hier a Canow [canoe] and returne with the barge to Apocant, there to leave the barge secure, and put our selves upon the adventure: the country onely a vast and wilde wildernes, and onely that Towne: Within three foure mile, we hired a Canow, and 2. Indians to row us the next day a fowling. Having made such provision for the barge as was needfull, I left her there to ride, with express charge not to go ashore til my returne. or Though some wise men may condemn this too bould attempt of too much indiscretion, yet if they well consider the friendship of the Indians in conducting me, the desolateness of the country, the probability of some lacke [lake] and the malicious judges of my actions at home [Jamestown] as also to have some matters of worth to incourage our adventurers in england, might well have caused any honest minde to have done the like, as well for his own discharge as for the public good: Having 2 Indians for my guide and 2 of our own company, I set forward, leaving 7 in the barge: Having discovered 20 miles further in this desart, the river Istil kept his depth and bredth, but much more combred with trees: Here we went ashore (being some 12 miles higher then the barge had bene) to refresh our selves, during the boyling of our vituals: 1 Several sections omitted. One of the Indians I tooke with me, to John Robbinson slaine, with 20 or 30. arrowes in him. Emry I saw not. I perceived by the aboundance of fires all over the woods, [that they were a party hunting deer.] At each place I expected when they would execute me, yet they used me with what kindnes they could: Approaching their Towne, which was within 6 miles where I was taken, onely made as arbors and covered with mats, which they remove as occasion requires: all the women and children, being advertised of this accident, came foorth to meet them, the King well guarded with 20 bowmen 5 flanck and rear, and each flanck before him a sword and a peece, and after him the like, then a bowman, then I on each hand a boweman, the rest in file in the reare, which reare led foorth a mongst the trees in a bishion, eache his bowe and a handfull of arrowes, a quiver at his back grimly painted on eache flanck a sargeant, the one running alwaies towards the front, the other towards the reare, each a true pace and in exceeding good order. This being a good time continued, they caste themselves in a ring with a daunce, and so eache man departed to his lodging. The Captain conducting me to his lodging, a quarter of Venison and some ten pound of bread I had for supper: what I left was reserved for me, and sent with me to my lodging. Each morning 3. women presented me three great platters of fine bread, more venison than ten men could devour I had: my gowne, points and garters, my compas and my tablet they gave me again. Though 8 ordinarily guarded me, I wanted not what they could devise to content me: and still our longer acquaintance increased our better affection: Much they threatned to assault our 45 forte, as they were solicited by the King of Paspahegh: who shewed at our fort great signes of sorrow for this mischance. The King tooke great delight in understanding the manner of our ships, and sayling the seas, the earth and skies, and of our God: what he knew of the dominions he spared not to acquaint me with, as of certaine men cloathed at a place called Ocanahonan, cloathed like me: the course of our river, and that within 4 or 5 daies journey of the falles, was a great turning of salt water: I desired he would send a messenger to Thus surprised, I resolved to trie their mercies: my armes I caste from me, till which none durst approch me. Being ceazed on me, they drew me out and led me to the King. I presented him with 50 a compasse diall, describing by my best meanes the use therof: whereat he so amazedly admired, as he suffered me to proceed in a discourse of the roundnes of the earth, the course of the sunne, 55 moone, starres and plannets. With kinde speeches and bread he requited me, conducting me where the Canow lay and 1 6 CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH Paspahegh, with a letter I would write, by which they shold understand how kindly they used me, and that I was well, least they should revenge my death. This he granted and sent three men, in such weather as in reason were unpossible by any naked to be indured. Their cruell mindes towards the fort I had deverted, in describing the ordinance and the mines in the fields, as also the ic revenge Captain Newport would take of them at his returne. Their intent, I incerted the fort, the people of Ocanahonum and the back sea: this report they after found divers Indians that firmed: con- 15 whence you may see westerly a goodly low Country, the river before the which his crooked course causeth many great 5 hundred houses, and many large plaines Marshes of exceeding good ground. Ar are here togither inhabited. More abundance of fish and fowle, and a pleasanter seat cannot be imagined. The intreated me to discharge my Pistoll, King with fortie Bowmen to guard me, which they there presented me, with a mark at six score to strike therwith: but to spoil the practise, I broke the cocke, whereat they were much discontented, though a chaunce supposed. The next day after my letter, came a salvage to my lodging, with his sword, to have slaine me: but being by my guard intercepted, with a bowe and ar- 20 row he offred to have effected his purpose: the cause I knew not, till the King understanding thereof came and told me of a man a dying, wounded with my pistoll: he tould me also of another I 25 had slayne, yet the most concealed they had any hurte: This was the father of him I had slayne, whose fury to prevent, the King presently conducted me to another Kingdome, upon the top of 30 the next northerly river, called Youghtanan. Having feasted me he. further led me to another branch of the river, called Mattapament; to two other hunting townes they led me: and to each of 35 these Countries, a house of the great Emperour of Pewhakan, whom as yet I supposed to bee at the Fals; to him I tolde him I must goe, and so returne to Paspahegh. After this foure dayes march, we returned to Rasawrack, five 40 the first towne they brought me where binding the Mats in bundels, they too: marched two dayes journey, and crossed the River of Youghtanan, where it was 45 as broad as Thames: so conducting me to a place called Menapacute in Pamaunke, where the King inhabited. or The next day another King of that nation called Kekataugh, having re- 50 ceived some kindnes of me at the Fort, kindly invited me to feast at his house, the people from all places flocked to see me, each shewing to content me. this, the great King hath foure or five By houses, each containing fourescore or an hundred foote in length, pleasantly seated upon an high sandy hill, from 55 From hence, this kind King conducted kingdome upon another River northmee to a place called Topahanocke, a yeare before, a shippe had beene in the ward: The cause of this was, that the kindly entertained by Powhatan their River of Pamaunke, who having beene Emperour, they returned thence and where being received with like kindnesse, discovered the River of Topahanocke: yet he slue the King, and tooke of his people, and they supposed I were hee. But the people reported him a great kindly, the next day we departed. man that was Captaine, and using mee This River of Topahanock seemeth in breadth not much lesse then that we dwell upon. At the mouth of the River wards is Marraugh tacum, Tapohanock, is a Countrey called Cuttata women: upAppamatuck, and Nantaugs tacum: at Topmanahocks, the head issuing from many Mountaines. The next night I lodged at a hunting town of Powhatams, and the next day arrived at Waranacomoco upon the river of Pamauncke, where the great king is resident. By the way we passed by the top of another called Payankatank. The most of this little river, which is betwixt the two, Country though Desert, yet exceeding fertil; good timber, most hils and dales, in each valley a cristall spring. perour proudly lying uppon a Bedstead a Arriving at Weramocomoco, their Emfoote high, upon tenne or twelve Mattes, richly hung with manie Chaynes of great Pearles about his necke, and covered [raccoon skins.] At heade sat a woman, with a great Covering of Rahaughcums at his feete another; on each side sitting raunged his chiefe men on each side the uppon a Matte uppon the ground, were 5 fire, tenne in a ranke, and behinde them as many yong women, each [with] a great Chaine of white Beades over their shoulders, their heades painted in redde: and with such a grave and Majesticall countenance, as drave me into admiration to see such state in a naked Salvage. Hee kindly welcomed me with good wordes, and great Platters of sundrie Victuals, assuring mee his friendship, 10 and my libertie within foure days. Hee much delighted in Opechan Comoughs relation of what I had described to him, and oft examined me upon the same. Hee asked mee the cause of our coming. 15 I tolde him being in fight with the Spaniards our enimie, beeing overpowred, neare put to retreat, and by extreame weather put to this shore: where landing at Chesipiack, the people shot us, but at 20 Kequoughtan they kindly used us: we by signes demaunded fresh water, they described us up the River was all fresh water at Paspahegh also they kindly used us: our Pinnasse being leake, we 25 were inforced to stay to mend her, till Captaine Newport my father came to conduct us away. He demaunded why we went further with our Boate. I tolde him, in that I would have occasion to 30 talk of the backe Sea, that on the other side the maine, where was salt water. My father [Newport] had a childe slaine, whiche wee supposed Monocan his enemie [had done]: whose death we intended to revenge. After good deliberation, hee began to describe mee the Countreys beyonde the Falles, with many of the rest; confirming 35 eate men, and warred with the people of Moyaoncer and Pataromerke, Nations upon the toppe of the heade of the Bay, under his territories: where the yeare before they had slain an hundred. He signified their crownes were shaven, long haire in the necke, tied on a knot, Swords like Pollaxes. Beyond them he described people with short Coates, and Sleeves to the Elbowes, that passed that way in Shippes like ours. Many Kingdomes hee described mee, to the heade of the Bay, which seemed to bee a mightie River issuing from mightic Mountaines betwixt the two Seas: The people cloathed at Ocamahowan, he also confirmed; and the Southerly Countries also, as the rest that reported us to be within a day and a halfe of Mangoge, two dayes of Chawwonock, 6. from Roonock, to the south part of the backe sea: He described a countrie called Anone, where they have abundance of Brasse, and houses walled as ours. I requited his discourse (seeing what pride hee had in his great and spacious Dominions, seeing that all hee knewe were under his Territories) in describing to him, the territories of Europe, which was subject to our great King whose subject I was, the innumerable multitude of his ships, I gave him to understand the noyse of Trumpets, and terrible manner of fighting were under captain Newport my father: whom I intituled the Meworames, which they call the King of all the waters. At his greatnesse, he admired: and not a little feared. He desired mee to forsake Pas what not onely Opechancanoyes, and an 40 pahegh, and to live with him upon his Indian which had beene prisoner to Pewhatan had before tolde mee: but some called it five dayes, some sixe, some eight, where the sayde water dashed amongest many stones and rockes, each storm; 45 which caused oft tymes the heade of the River to bee brackish: Anchanachuck he described to bee the people that had slaine my brother: whose death hee would revenge. Hee described also upon the 50 same Sea, a mighty Nation called Pocoughtronack, a fierce Nation that did River, a Countrie called Capa Howasicke. Hee promised to give me Corne, Venison, or what I wanted to feede us: Hatchets and Copper wee should make him, and none should disturbe us. This request I promised to performe: and thus. having with all the kindnes hee could devise, sought to content me, hee sent me home, with 4. men: one that usually carried my Gowne and Knapsacke after me, two other loded with bread, and one to accompanie me. WILLIAM BRADFORD (1588-1657) EARLY DAYS OF THE COLONY [The beginning of Book II of The History of Plymouth Plantation.] The rest of this History (if God give me life, & opportunitie) I shall, for brevitis sake, handle by way of annalls, noteing only the heads of principall things, and passages as they fell in order to of time, and may seeme to be profitable to know, or to make use of. And this may be as the 2. Booke. The remainder of An°: 1620. for our better ordering & preservation & furtherance of the ends aforesaid: and by vertue hearof to enacte, constitute, and frame such just & equall lawes, ordinances, acts, 5 constitutions, & offices, from time to time, as shall be thought most meet & convenient for the generall good of the Colonie, unto which we promise all due submission and obedience. In witnes whereof we have here 15 25 I shall a litle returne backe and begine with a combination made by them before they came ashore, being the first foundation of their governmente in this place; 20 occasioned partly by the discontented & mutinous speeches that some of the strangers amongst them had let fall from them in the ship-That when they came a shore they would use their own libertie; for none had power to comand them, the patente they had being for Virginia, and not for New-england, which belonged to an other Government, with which the Virginia Company had nothing to doe. And partly that such an acte by them done (this their condition considered) might be as firme as any patent, and in some respects more sure. The forme was as followeth. 30 35 In the name of God, Amen. We whose names are underwritten, the loyal subjects of our dread soveraigne Lord, King James, by the grace of God, of Great Britaine, 40 Franc, & Ireland king, defender of the faith, &c., haveing undertaken, for the glorie of God, and advancemente of the Christian faith, and honour of our king & countrie, a voyage to plant the first colonie in the North- 45 erne parts of Virginia, doe by these presents solemnly & mutualy in the presence of God, and one of another, covenant & combine our selves together into a civill body politick, under subscribed our names at Cap-Codd the 11. of November, in the year of the raigne of our soveraigne lord, King James, of England, France, & Ireland the eighteenth, and of Scotland the fiftie fourth. An°: Dom, 1620. After this they chose, or rather confirmed, Mr. John Carver (a man godly & well approved amongst them) their Governour for that year. And after they had provided a place for their goods, or comone store, (which were long in unlading for want of boats, foulnes of winter weather, and sicknes of diverce,) and begune some small cottages for their habitation, as time would admitte they mette and consulted of lawes & orders, both for their civil & military Governmente as the necessitie of their condition did require, still adding thereunto as urgent occasion in severall times, and as cases did require. In these hard & difficulte beginings they found some discontents & murmurings arise amongst some, and mutinous speeches & carriags in other; but they were soone quelled & overcome by the wisdome, patience, and just & equall carrage of things by the Govr and better part, wch clave faithfully togeather in the maine. But that which was most sad & lamentable was, that in 2. or 3. moneths time halfe of their company dyed, espetialy in Jan: & February, being the depth of winter, and wanting houses & other comforts; being infected with the scurvie & other diseases, which this long voiage & their inacomodate condition had brought upon them; so as ther dyed |