precinct which is demonstrated, by the character of the objects found on the site, to have been the sanctuary of Juno Lucina, or at any rate the Campanian goddess corresponding to her.106 It has been taken for granted that the word diuvila107 contains not only the same root but the same stem as Jupiter. In fact the only deity named in any one of the inscriptions is iuvei flagivi (Iovi Flagio?). This name resembles Jupiter Flazzus on an inscription from Puteoli.108 J. Whatmough connects the dedications with Juno-worship and thinks it better to regard the statuettes as representations of Juno Lucina in the familiar type rather than as ex voto after childbearing. Festivals named in two iovilae-dedications are to diuvia(s) and iůviai's messi mais To these festivals Whatmough finds parallels in the Roman and Norban inscriptions which have been previously discussed.109 In three of the iovilae-inscriptions the sacrifices recorded occurred on the Ides, a day sacred to Jupiter. If they are dedications to Juno, as they certainly appear to be, the two deities were closely related in the Campanian district. A. B. Cook110 thinks it quite possible that the goddess shared the temple with her divine consort, as Dione shared with Zeus the temple at Dodona.

As a result of his careful study of the goddess, Otto111 made the declaration, "Juno ist eine Göttin der Unterwelt." He immediately adds that in a cave at Lanuvium was a sacred snake and he believes that Furtwängler correctly recognized the significance of the Lanuvian cult when he said that its goddess was originally chthonic. It has not been positively proved that the worship at the cave belonged to the cult of Juno; yet even if it did, she need not necessarily be chthonic in character. Erich Küster,112 who made a special study of the serpent in Greek art and religion, remarked that as a symbol of fertility the snake was not only an attribute of chthonic gods but also

106 Whatmough, op. cit. p. 181.

107 The inscriptions are named from the recurrence of this word or its later form iuvila, Whatmough, l.c.

108 C.I.L. X, 1571; Whatmough, op. cit. pp. 185-6.

109 Supra p. 8.

110 L.c.

111 Op. cit. p. 221.

112 Die Schlange in der gr. Kunst und Relig. pp. 143-5, esp. p. 145.

of Olympian deities who had assumed passing or lasting agrarian He cites as examples Zeus Meilichios and Zeus

functions.

Ktesios.

113

A. B. Cook113 indeed thinks that there was an early cult of chthonian Jupiter which justifies the poets in calling the god of the under-world Jupiter Stygius,14 Tartareus, Infernus, Niger, etc. There was a temple on the Alban Mount to Jupiter and one to Vediovis or chthonian Jupiter at its base. On the thirteenth of February was celebrated a feriae Iovi,115 in which sacrifice was made also to Tellus. There are at times inclinations and attachments to the worship of underground deities; still we could not for a moment consider Jupiter other in origin than a god of the bright sky.

It is difficult to agree with Piganiol,116 who believes that Latium was settled by two sets of people, the northern or Aryan, who brought with them the worship of Jupiter, a sun-god and a sky-god, and a Mediterranean people, who were worshippers of Juno, a moon-goddess and a chthonic deity. He thinks that the pairs, Zeus-Hera and Jupiter-Juno, are neither primitive nor indissoluble, disagreeing, therefore, with A. B. Cook, who thought Zeus-Dione and Hera-Herakles primitive. Piganiol believes it more probable that Dione and Herakles are forms of contamination, which appeared later.

The Etruscan Tinia117 is now generally identified with Jupiter even etymologically. But Tinials is protector of cities with Juno and Minerva, and is parallel perhaps to conceptions like Juno Curritis and Populona. On the Ides of September the face of Jupiter was painted red and he had a couch, while Juno and Minerva had each a sella.119

If the epithets and cults of the two deities were exactly alike, such identity might well be caused by a later adjustment

113 Folk-Lore, XVI (1905) pp. 273-5.

114 For example, in Vergil's Aeneid (IV, 638 and VI, 138) Jupiter is called Stygius and Juno, Inferna. The name occurs with variations in Ovid, Meta. XIV, 114; Statius, S. II, 1, 147; Theb. IV, 526, but all are imitations of Vergil. See Norden's note to Verg. Aen. VI, 138.

115 Domaszewski, Abhandl. zur röm. Relig. p. 175.

116 Les Origines de Rome, pp. 82 ff.

117 Warde Fowler, Rom. Fest. pp. 222-3.

118 Warde Fowler, op. cit. pp. 218 and 222-3.

119 Roscher's Lex. II, 627 ff.

for the sake of uniformity. But they resemble each other only enough to show that they had fundamentally the same nature and that the close association of the two divinities was somewhat effaced because Juno gradually took on the character of a woman's deity, while Jupiter gathered to himself ever greater importance in government. Thus it came about that their circles of influence and worship were in many respects independent. In some places Juno became so much more important in cult that her worship was carried on without that of Jupiter. An analogy is offered in the case of Hera of Argos and of Samos. The place where Juno was most prominent was Falerii, which felt much Argive influence from very early times. As Alfred von Domaszewski120 has said, in the oldest cult Juno was worshipped with Jupiter as Nerio was with Mars, Lua with Saturn, Libera with Liber, and so forth.

120 Op. cit. pp. 105-9.

Janus

If a satisfactory conclusion about the etymology of the word Ianus and the origin of the god's cult could be reached, the problem of early Juno-worship would be simpler; for there are clues very vague and obscure, yet interesting and suggestive, which indicate that in primitive Rome1 the two deities were associated. Not only does the connection seem to have existed at Rome, but there is also a report that the four-faced Janus was transferred to that city from Falerii,2 which was one of the most important centers for Juno.

The most probable theory of the etymologists is that the source of Ianus is the Aryan root Di- meaning bright. Schwegler,3 impressed with the idea of heavenly brightness, even saw in him a sun-god. Janus has also been called god of the wind, the year, and the oak. Hirt, depending also on the etymology from Di-, said that the god of heaven brought to Rome two names, Jupiter and Janus.

But when we consider his cult, we find that an origin as god of the door seems to be the best and most reasonable one from which to trace later developments. The entrance to the house and the entrance to the city were points of great moment and the cause of constant anxiety to the early Italian mind. They should, therefore, naturally be under the protection of a particular numen. Moreover, Frazer' rightly maintains that the reg

1 Giannelli, Riv. di Filol. LII (1924) pp. 210-32, claims that Janus was not recognized in the state religion until comparatively late and that he was probably the last of the di indigites selecti. His argument does not seem convincing. He assumes the early relation of Juno and Jupiter.

2 Servius, Aen. VII, 607. Deecke, Etrusk. Forsch. II, pp. 125 ff., attributed to Janus an Etruscan origin, but this view is hardly tenable. Cf. L. R. Taylor, Cults of Etruria, p. 76.

Röm. Gesch. I, p. 218.

'Warde Fowler, Relig. Exper. of the Rom. People, p. 125.

Die Indogermanen, II, p. 486.

• Warde Fowler, op. cit. pp. 126-7.

7 Mag. Orig. of Kings, pp. 288-9 and Golden Bough, II3, p. 384; G. Curtius, Grundzüge der gr. Etym. p. 258; O. Schrader, Real-lex. der indogerman. Altertumskunde, p. 866.

ular word for door is the same in all the languages of the Aryan family from India to Ireland; and so he concludes that the word ianu, which has nothing corresponding to it in any IndoEuropean speech, is in all probability an adjectival form of the god's name. Frazer supposes that images of the great god Janus may have been put at the principal door of the house; hence, he says, the name ianua for the door. Against this theory we should argue that such a custom, involving the making of images, would necessarily arise later; for early Roman religion seems to have employed no icon. The form of the door itself, such as we find it in the Tigillum Sororium, was doubtless the first symbol of a cult which seems to have been almost lacking throughout in anthropomorphic likenesses of the god.

The inhabitants of early Latium belonging to the Villanova civilization lived in circular or elliptical huts, which had but one opening. As no light was admitted except at the entrance, the door was probably associated with the brightness which streamed through it and surrounded it. This idea was once suggested to Domaszewskis by Dieterich.

The form Dianus is attested by an inscription from Aquileia,' but initial D, which would betray the origin of the name, seems early to have disappeared. As a feminine parallel, there are traces of a form Iana,10 but Diana and Juno appear to have been the equivalents which were in more common use. Frazer11 claims that we have two pairs of divinities, Dianus and Diana (or Janus and Jana) which were the deities of the aborigines of Rome, and Jupiter and Juno, the deities of the incoming Italian conquerors. Usener12 points out that Ianus corresponds letter for letter to the Doric Záv (Znv), from Djava-no. Carter13 remarked that popular interest in Diana could not be counted on, especially as many things which Diana did were ably represented by Juno. "Both were goddesses sooner or later connected with the moon," he added.

Abhandl. zur röm. Relig. p. 175. 'C.I.L. V, 783.

10 Varro, De R.R. I, 37, 3; Macrobius, S. I, 9, 8. Cf. Usener, Strena Helbig. p. 320.

"Golden Bough, II3 p. 381 and Mag. Orig. of Kings, p. 287; Cook, C. R. XVIII (1904) pp. 367-8.

12 Kl. Schr. IV, p. 341 and Götternamen, p. 16.

13 Relig. of Numa, pp. 56-7.