[EXPEDITION TO COPENHAGEN.] Mr. nisters have thought fit in every debate Sharp rose and addressed the house as to tell us in a triumphant and taunting follows:-I am now, sir, to intreat your tone, that what they have been doing attention, and the attention of the house, has been sanctioned by universal approbato a motion of which I some time since tion. This assertion, so loudly and so gave notice; but, sir, in giving that notice often repeated, renders it incumbent on then, and now in rising to perform the every man who thinks himself and the promise implied in it, I am afraid that I public calumniated by this imputation, to have suffered myself to be too much take every proper opportunity of denyinfluenced by irresistible feelings of dis- ing his concurrence, and of disclaiming approbation respecting the expedition to any participation in the sanction so skil Copenhagen, and by those of deep re- fully, but so unjustly taken for granted. gret for its consequences, and too little by The public opinion, sir, to this effect, may a proper regard to my own want of pre- conditionally perhaps have been expressed tensions to that indulgence from the house, very early in this proceeding (though I which I have risen to solicit. I will not, am far from thinking that it has), but that however, sir, diminish that small claim to opinion, if it even existed, has certainly the accustomed generosity of the house, changed most rapidly, and the conduct of which every member may hope that he ministers in acting without the necessary has not forfeited, by occupying one mo- evidence, or in suppressing that evidence, ment of its time with a topic that must be seems now to have occasioned an universal so little interesting to it, as the feelings surprize and censure.-Such an approbaand difficulties of an individual. And tion may have been obtained by false yet, sir, the difficulties are neither few, pretences, the conscience of the people nor inconsiderable, which must be sur- may have been surprized; they may have mounted by any man who has to request thought it but justice to ministers to prethat the thoughts of parliament may again sume that they would justify their conbe directed to a subject already so fre- duct, but, sir, we ought not to do the pubquently discussed in many of its parts, and lic the injustice to believe, that they delion which most of the distinguished persons berately approve this remarkable measure, in this country have communicated the unless it be defended by facts that are information which they had to give, de- incontestible, and by reasonings that are clared the sentiments that they had form- unanswerable, both proving its overruling, ed, and detailed, too, at so much length evident, irresistible necessity.-It is, sir, and with so much ability, the arguments very easy to conceive that the capture of by which they supported such sentiments. many ships of the line, and an arsenal of Yet perhaps, sir, it may not be wholly stores would, at first sight, be very strikuseless, perhaps it may be very advanta- ing to the imaginations of the people of geous that parliament should be remind- this country, who feel at all times with ed, (though by me very briefly) of some such extreme sensibility whatever is conof those facts, opinions and reasonings, in nected with the navy; with the navy, sir, a stage of this important business, which at once the source of their security and it was impossible to omit, without leaving of their glory. But it would be libelthe discussion imperfect, and the senti- ing both their hearts and their underments of parliament undeclared.-But, standings not to believe that they took it sir, in truth these several debates, to which for granted, that information, indubitaI allude, have rather been of a prelimi- ble information, would be afforded to nary and preparatory nature, clearing the them, proving the urgent necessity of ob way for a final and solemn examination of taining these ships, and these stores, by the conduct of ministers, by which they besieging the capital, and destroying the have had the courage to say (courage inhabitants of a nation with whom, two is not the word, sir) that they have saved very short interruptions excepted, their their country, but by which, in a trans- fathers and themselves had been at peace action of the greatest importance to the for centuries, and with whom our connecnational character and interests, the for- tions had recently increased in a most remer may have obviously been disgraced, markable degree, producing incalculable and the latter destroyed.-There are how-benefits both to them and to ourselves.— ever, sir, other reasons rendering it highly proper to bring this subject again before the eyes of parliament, for miVOL. X. Sir, I could not congratulate his majesty on this success against his neighbour, and his kinsman; I could not participate in 4 G this wretched triumph, nor could the peo- of one is entitled to as much respect as of ple of England, unless they looked for an hundred,) because, sir, fortunately we such a vindication; for if they had, their have lately learnt that a resolution sancjoy would have been as absurd and as tioned by the whole chorus of the madreadful as that of an infant delighted jority may be rescinded by the same mawith the blaze of its own garments on jority, and that papers denied when wantfire. Sir, the burthen of proof lies heavi- ed to elucidate the proceedings by which ly on those who advised his majesty so to the safety and honour of England were employ his navy and his army. Every endangered, will be granted, when any man must hold such an unprovoked breach one of his majesty's servants thinks such of neutrality in abhorrence, unless it be papers are necessary to his own vindicaunanswerably justified, and those who tion. Since majorities can so easily have bestowed upon it an approbation be- change their opinions for such purposes, fore enquiry, are now entitled, are now it is but treating them handsomely to supcalled upon to retract that approbation, pose, that a similar change may take place unless they have proof that the necessity when such a change is demanded by their was not to be resisted, and the violence duty and their consciences.-The facts of not to be avoided. What, sir, has been this astonishing event are few and striking. the conduct of ministers? they seem to In a season of profound peace with Denhave formed themselves into a Society for mark, and in truth at a time of increased the Suppression of Papers. They have communication and connection with that denied all the material documents, and neighbouring kingdom, a large British have only granted others to answer pri- army and fleet sail to the attack of its cavate purposes. They have denied to par-pital, invest it, besiege it, fire it, bring liament what ought to have been the materials of their defence, and have compelled us to bring them to trial without the evidence to which we had a right. They stand at the bar, sir, by their own fault, under the strong, the natural prejudice, that either their allegations are wholly unfounded, or that if they do possess any knowledge from which parliament is excluded, that the effect of that knowledge would have been to condemn and not to acquit them.-Sir, they must be either condemned or acquitted. Parliament, as it values its own character both abroad and at home, must pronounce a sentence on this transaction, and as scrupulously, as if sworn to determine according to that evidence. This country, sir, Europe, the world, expect that we shall do our duty strictly. And the world will esteem or despise parliament as it conducts itself on this great, this serious occasion. -Sir, I own that there is one discouragement that I feel, for it is not possible to conjecture what may be the result even if their violence be condemned, since, unhappily, sir, we have too recent an experi-issue which the house is now to try, and ence, that a verdict of guilty pronounced by an awful tribunal may lead to reward; a sentence of condemnation, may be a title to promotion. But, sir, I own that I am not discouraged by a recollection of the majorities that have hitherto supported ministers, (although, sir, such is my reverence for a majority, and so parliamentary is its nature, that a majority destruction on its peaceable inhabitants, and finally obtaining possession of it, bring home all the ships in its harbour, and all the stores in its arsenal.-This is the transaction which the ministers are bound to justify not only to the consciences of a majority of this house, but to the complete satisfaction of every honest man in the nation, and every reflecting man in Europe, since his majesty confesses in his declaration of the 25th of Sept. . That he owes to himself and to Europe a frank 'exposition of the motives which dictat'ed his late measures in the Baltic.'-And since he adds, feeling it to be a cruel necessity, He did forbear as long as there could be a doubt of the urgency of the danger, or a hope of counteracting the 'means and dispositions of Denmark.'Whether such a frank exposition of the motives of the measure has been given: Whether every doubt of the urgency of the danger has been removed: Whether not a hope did remain of counteraction by any but the violent means employed? These are the questions, this is the in trying it, the house itself is on its 2. That with the enemy, and was hostile. 4. That Denmark though friendly, was unable to resist. 5. That the danger arising from these facts, was certain, urgent, and so extreme, as to create a case of urgent, paramount necessity, leaving his majety's ministers no choice; but, while it was yet time, to seize the ships, and that they might obtain them, to besiege and fire the city and destroy its peaceable inhabitants.-1. Of the first there is no dispute -It is saying nothing to say that France is hostile, ambitious, active, unprincipled, ready to break all laws divine and human, to obtain her purposes. This we know, and knowing, have not hitherto dreaded her power, or so dreaded it, as to take, till lately, cruel and impolitic counsel of our fears.-Violent and intemperate as the ruler of the French is, it may be said of him as it was of Philip of old, that in one respect, you may never doubt his veracity: you may always believe him when he threatens. Yet even in using this plea, his majesty's ministers have contrived to put themselves in the wrong, or at least to render themselves subject to contradiction, by stating in the declaration that they had positive information of the enemy's determination, which assertion the Crown Prince mentions with indignation, as founding the attempt on mere vague rumour, and pretended information. The whole amount, too, of the alledged information, extends only to their making preparations for collecting a force. -2nd.That Russia had combined with France, for the purpose of putting the fleet into the possession of France.'-See declaration against Russia, p. 4. and Mr. Canning's dispatch 28th Sept. p. 9. Of this combination the only proofs offered are, an assertion that such a confederacy formed part of the secret arrangements at Tilsit; and another assertion, that information to this effect had arrived from Portugal. This intelligence could not have arrived in time to occasion the expedition; nor is it to be depended on, since it came from that Portuguese minister who had misled us in his communications to a former ministry, respecting the arrival of the French at Bayonne. This, sir, is distinctly and directly contradicted both by Russia and by France; and such a confederacy is utterly inconsistent with the conversation that took place between the emperor of Russia and lord HutchinLord G. L. Gower vindicates our conduct towards Copenhagen, by alledg son. - |ing the intention of France, and the positive data he had of such intentions, but he says nothing of the confederacy; and speaking of this vindication in a subsequent dispatch, he says, that so far from concealing the reasons which produced that expedition, he had declared them with the utmost frankness.' In Mr. Secretary Canning's reply to the dispatch of 2nd Sept. he says that his majesty entirely approved of the answer returned by lord G. L. Gower to general Budberg's note, on the subject of the operations at Copenhagen.' Lord G. L. Gower also in another dispatch, states expressly that it was sometime after this that the French mission considered itself as having triumphed.' But, sir, the dates alone are sufficient to destroy the credibility of the pretext, and with its credibility to destroy too all our pretensions to veracity and justice. The treaty was signed on the Niemen, on the 8th July, and the order for the sailing of the expedition was on the 19th. It is remarkable, too, that the object of this expedition had been announced several days before in more than one newspaper. The collection, too, of so extensive an armament required much previous exertion, and much previous time; nor will any facilities arising from former preparations, account for the early embarkation. This plea, however, has not been supported by refusing papers, &c. and has been abandoned. Russia was at issue with the declaration on a question of fact, and his majesty's ministers have run out of court afraid to stand trial.-On the whole it it seems to be believed that his majesty's ministers might have received some intelligence to the supposed effect, but that they found themselves deceived, after having largely rewarded the informant, and that having used the allegation as a pretext, it was not possible to own that they had been duped.-3rd. But, Denmark has been charged with having been caught intriguing with Russia and France, and with having been guilty of collusion. Sir, the ministers in advancing this charge, which was so soon abandoned, seem to have acted on the base principle of giving others a bad name, that we may save ourselves the trouble of doing them justice; and the same unjustifiable motive seems to have actuated them in charging her also, more generally, with bearing an hostile mind to this country. The hon. secretary endeavours to prove it from the conduct of the Danes in 1801, (ascribed in the declaration only to an inability to resist the dictation of Russia and France,) and from their joining the armed neutrality in the American war.-Now, sir, it is not denied that Russia was concerned, or rather was the principal in both these hostile acts, and yet we properly enough confided in her subsequent treaty with us, and hostility in Bohemia and Poland, against France. Were we to reject her aid, or at least to place no reliance on it, because she had thought fit to be jealous of our maritime superiority, to shew disgust at some of the exercises of it, and to combine for its diminution? But, while the hon. secretary was consulting history for past proofs of present hostilities, why did he stop so short? If he had but gone back to the Heptarchy, he might have found irresistible evidence of the hostility of Denmark, and of the propriety of revenging on the Danes, our contemporaries, the injustice we had sustained from their forefathers. Sir, there is undoubtedly some levity in such a remark, but the right hon. gent. must be the last to complain of the introduction of levity into important affairs, and indeed it is very difficult to treat such arguments in a grave manner, or to honour such frivolous reasons with the ceremony of serious confutation. Not satisfied entirely to rest the proof of this hostility on such feeble grounds as these, the respectable authorities of lord Grey and Mr. Garlike have been introduced to support this accusation against the Danes to both of whom have been imputed declarations of their belief in this supposed hostility. It is unnecessary for me, sir, to comment on the peculiar mischief that may arise from encouraging any minister to be at once so communicative a member of parliament of extracts from documents to answer a purpose in debate, and so reserved a minister when the whole of the documents are wanted by parliament to enable it to judge of the necessity of a new war; because, sir, the futility and unfairness of such an imputation have been abundantly shewn by the subsequent defences of the noble lord, and by subsequent proceedings in this house. It is enough now for me to state, that neither the noble lord, nor our minister at the Danish court, did, in their dispatches, express any opinion of the sort that has been imputed to them. I am well aware that here, sir, there are topics of censure against the right hon. gent. which are fruitful enough and would be tempting, were it not that these circumstances have undergone a separate and serious discussion here, have incurred a solemn reproof elsewhere, and were it not also that I have no pleasure in dwelling upon the misconduct of that right hon. gent. of such extraordinary talents.-But, sir, in reference to the letter of lord Howick to Mr. Rist, I must say, that a most unstatesmanlike and illogical use is made of dispatches, if controversies of a commercial kind, however warm and eager, are to be considered as indications of a disposition to fixed political hostility, of a determination to aid the French in their endeavours, not merely to humble but to annihilate this country, to extinguish the light of the world, to beat down the head of the Protestantism of Europe, and, as I might have called it, before the fatal expedition which is the subject of our consideration, the bulwark of civilized society, and the last assertor of the humane and beneficial laws of nature, and of nations.-Sir, there is a peculiar, an allowed irritability to such commercial discussions-something of the spirit and of the haggling, and chaffering, even of the pettiest traders whose interests are at stake, enter into the discussion between the powers themselves, and have never before been considered as evidences of an alienation in our political relations. --If such disputes are to be taken as evidence of an intention to go to war, we never can hope to be at peace; and here, sir, I cannot but observe that many of the commercial regulations in France and in other countries of which we complain, they have an undoubted right to make even in peace. But, sir, here too I need not content myself with observing that ministers have not offered even the semblance of proof; for here, too, there are not wanting presumptions, and proofs of a positive kind, tending to discredit wholly this unfounded charge against the Danes.— In the first place, no such charge is made in the Proclamation issued by lord Gambier and lord Cathcart, nor is any such made in the Declaration, which only slightly intimates that Denmark might be hostile, because she was once before engaged in a hostile confederacy. The encampment, too, of their forces in Holstein, where they might be of use against France, and in Zealand, where we might be expected, is another presumption, and not to be reconciled to the supposition of her having engaged in any confederacy against us. She had not made any demonstrations case of urgent, imminent, paramount, irresistible necessity,' but it is gone, vanished, and has left no traces. I can find no substance left, not enough to set up even as a man of straw, that I might combat it. For, sir, every failure of the reasons assigned for each separate cause of dread, the abandonment of the plea derived from the alledged articles, or engagements, or arrangements at Tilsit, from the charged, but abandoned collusion and hostility of the Danes; as well as the deficiency of ed by us and by the Swedes, all these are so many props taken away from the support of that crazy building, the fortress of the arguments of ministers, namely, that the danger to this country was certain, extreme, and imminent, and the possession of the Danish ships the only means of averting it, creating together a case of urgent necessity, leaving his majesty's ministers no choice, but, to use their own words, while it was yet time, to seize the fleet and stores, and in order to obtain them, to bombard the capital and destroy its inhabitants.-Sir, but as to the case of necessity, it is my sincere opinion, that had the danger been made out, the necessity could not have been inferred, and this, I know not how, seems to have been too much taken for granted even by those who deny, and justly, the existence of such necessity. We look too much at our own fears, and too little at the other link of the chain, the means of delivering us from danger by the possession of the Danish with her navy, which continued just in the same state of preparation in which it had been for nearly half a century, nor could it have been ready for sea, in less than six or eight weeks. Her merchant ships were, too, chiefly in our ports, or in the seas which we command, and her sailors were distributed over the world, but mostly in our employ and in our power. Even our West India ships have been chiefly manned by Danish sailors, our native seamen having been constantly impressed into his majesty's service, so that mer-proof even as to their inability when aidchants can scarcely retain even the ship's apprentices, and too frequently even the masters themselves are carried off. There are, indeed, a few invalided men from our ships of war, and here and there a single landman who wishes to go to sea; but all the remainder of the mercantile crews are Portuguese, or Swedes, or Danes; of the former a few, of the Swedes more, but incomparably the most have been Danes. And this, sir, has been the fact for many years. I leave the house to judge the importance of this fact, both as it affects our power of retaining them in case of hostility, and as it leaves little doubt of the tem pers of the seamen themselves. They have, indeed, for more than ten years been half Englishmen, and the Zealander, Holsteiner, and Norwegian sailors have become almost as much attached to this country as to their own.-It so happened, sir, that at the time of the expedition sailing, most of those Danish ships were here which bring the summer importation, and carry away those articles of our manufac-ships and stores. This latter part of the tures and colonial produce, which they want for their autumn trade and their winter consumption. It is usual for the Danish merchant or captain who order these goods, to give to the manufacturer or dealer a credit on the merchant here, to whom the sale of the imports has been consigned. Of the merchants one of the most extensive and respectable is the Danish consul, and to him freqent applications were made by the manufacturer or dealer for his opinion as to the probability of war, and prudence of preparing the goods. So slow, sir, was this gent. to believe that hostility would ensue, that I know that he steadily persisted in advising the captains to be tranquil, and the tradesmen to go on, although his own interests and that of his correspondents must have been deeply injured by such advice, if founded on error.-And now, sir, I am come to the consideration of that necessity we have never been suffered to dwell upon, but it has been hurried away from our contemplation almost as soon as it has been offered to it. Ministers have the courage to say, as I have already observed, that they have saved their country, because they have seized the ships in a way much more likely to endanger than to secure us. They say they have worked a miracle, but, alas, there are no believers. Saviours of their country!-They have at least the reward of virtue, although without its merit, for it seems that they are happy in their own approbation.-But these are vain boastings to conceal their fears, and vainer self praise to conceal their humiliation.-Sir, we have not got possession of the fleet of Denmark-the fleetthe fleet of Denmark, this is the constant boast.-We have only the ships, the carcasses, while the living, animating, principle has escaped from our grasp—and is gone |