on which his enemies were difpofed to terminate the war.

It was in this stage of the bufinefs that, on the 11th of September, the appointment of new plenipotentiaries was announced on the part of France, under a formal promife that their arrival fhould facilitate and expedite the work of peace.

To renew, in a fhape ftill more offenfive than before, the inadmiffible demand fo long before brought forward, and fo long abandoned, was the first act of thefe new meffengers of peace. And fuch was now the undisguised impatience of the king's unemies to terminate all, treaty, and to exclude all profpect of accommodation, that even the continuance of the king's plenipotentiary at the appointed place of negotiation was made by them to depend on his immediate compliance with a condition which his court had, two months before, explicitly refufed, and concerning which no further difcuffion had fince occurred. His reply was fuch as the occafion required; and he immediately received a pofitive and written order to depart from France.

The fubfequent conduct of his majefty's enemies has aggravated even this proceeding, and added fresh infult to this unexampled outrage. The infurmountable' obftacles which they threw in the way of peace were accompanied with an oftentatious profeffion of the most pacific difpofitions. In cutting off the means of negotiation they ftill pretended to retain the ftrongest defire to negotiate in ordering the king's minifter to quit their country, they profeffed the hope of his immediate return to it and in renewing their former inadmiffible and rejected demand, they declared their confident expectation of a fpeedy and

a

favourable answer. Yet before any anfwer could arrive, they publifhed declaration, announcing to their country, the departure of the king's minifter, and attempting, as in every former inftance, to afcribe to the conduct of Great Britain the difappointment of the general wish for peace, and the renewal of all the calamities of war. The fame attempt has been prolonged in fubfequent communications, equally infidious and illufory, by which they have obviously intended to furnish the colour and empty pretence of a wifh for peace, while they have ftill ftudioufly and obftinately perfifted in evading every ftep which could lead to the fuccefs of any negotiation; have continued to infift on the fame inadmiffible and extravagant preliminary, and have uniformly withheld all explanation ei, ther on the particulars of the propofals of peace, fo long fince delivered by his majefty's minifter, or on any other terms on which they were themselves ready to conclude: and this in the vain hope that it could be poffible by any artifice to difguife the truth of thefe tranfactions, or that any exercise of power, however defpotic, could prevent fuch facts from being known, felt, and understood, even in France itfelf.

To France, to Europe, and to the world, it must be manifeft that the French government (while they perfift in their prefent fentiments) leave his majefty without an alternative, uniefs he were prepared to furrender and facrifice to the undif guifed ambition of his enemies the honour of his crown and the fafety of his dominions. It must be ma nifeft that, instead of showing, on their part, any inclination to meet his majefty's pacific overtures on any moderate terms, they have në(T3)

ver

ver brought themselves to ftate any terms (however exorbitant) on which they were ready to conclude peace. They have afked as a preliminary (and in the form the most arrogant and offenfive) conceffions which the comparative fituation of the two countries would have rendered extravagant in any ftage of negotiation; which were directly contrary to their own repeated profeffions; and which, nevertheless, they peremptorily required to be complied with in the very outfet: referving an unlimited power of afterwards accumulating, from time to time, freth demands, increafing in proportion to every new concef

fion.

On the other hand, the terms propofed by his majefty have been ftated in the moft clear, open, and unequivocal manner. The difcuffion of all the points to which they relate, or of any others, which the enemy might bring forward as the terms of peace, has been, on his inajefty's part, repeatedly called for, as often promifed by the French plenipotentiaries, but to this day has never yet been obtained. The rupture of the negotiation is not, therefore, to be afcribed to any pretenfions (however inadmiffible) urged as the price of peace; not to any ultimate difference on terms, however exorbitant; but to the evident and fixed determination of the enemy to prolong the conteft, and to purfue, at all hazards, their hoftile designs against the profperity and fafety of thefe kingdoms.

While this determination continues to prevail, his majesty's earneft wifhes and endeavours to reftore peace to his fubjects must be fruitlefs. But bis fentiments remain unaltered. He looks with anxious expectation to the moment when the government of France may fhow

a difpofition and fpirit in any de gree correfponding to his own. And he renews, even now, and before all Europe, the folemn declaration," that, in fpite of repeated provocations, and at the very moment when his claims have been strengthened and confirmed by that fresh fuccefs, which, by the bleffing of providence, has recently attended his arms, he is yet ready (if the cal mities of war can now be clofed) to conclude peace on the fame moderate and equitable principles and terms which he has before propofed: the rejection of fuch terms muft now, more than ever, demonftrate the implacable animofity and infatiable ambition of those with whom he has to contend, and to them alone must the future confequences of the prolongation of the war be afcribed.

If fuch unhappily is the fpirit by which they are ftill actuated, his majefty can neither hesitate as to the principles of his own conduct, nor doubt the fentiments and determination of his people. He will not be wanting to them, and he is confident they will not be wanting to themfelves. He has an anxious, but a facred and indifpenfable duty to fulfil he will discharge it with refolution, conftancy, and firmness. Deeply as he muft regret the continuance of a war so deftru&ive in its progrefs, and fo burdenfome even in its fuccefs, he knows the character of the brave people whofe interefts and honour are entrusted to bim. Thefe it is the first object of his life to maintain; and he is convinced, that neither the refources nor the fpirit of his kingdoms will be found inadequate to this arduous conteft, or unequal to the importance and value of the objects which are at stake. He trufts that the favour of providence, by which they

have always hitherto been fupported against all their enemies, will be ftill extended to them; and that, under this protection, his faithful fubjects, by a refolute and vigorous application of the means which they poffefs, will be enabled to vindicate the independence of their country, and to refift, with juft indignation, the affumed fuperiority of an enemy, against whom they have fought with the courage, and fuccefs, and glory of their anceftors, and who aims at nothing lefs than to destroy at once what ever has contributed to the profperity and greatnefs of the British empire: all the channels of its industry, and all the fources of its power; its fecurity from abroad, its tranquillity at home, and above all, that conftitution on which alone depends the undisturbed enjoyment of its religion, laws, and liberties.

Westminster, Od. 25, 1797.

Joint Addrefs of both Houfes of Parliament to his Majesty, presented ~ Nov. 15, 1797.

We your majefty's most dutiful and loyal fubjects, the lords fpiritual and temporal, in parliament affembled, have taken into our most serious confideration the papers which your majefty has been pleafed to direct to be laid before us, on the subject of the negotiation into which your majefty had entered, with the view of reftor ing to your people a fecure and honourable peace.-In every stage of that tranfaction we have recog. nifed your majefty's invariable and unremitted folicitude for our profperity and welfare, while we have feen, on the other hand, the moft abundant proofs of the continu

ance of that fpirit of inveterate animofity and defperate ambition, on the part of our enemies, in which the prefent conteft firft originated. Your majefty's conduct, characterized by an unexampled moderation, opennefs, and cor.fiftency, has left to the enemy no means of evafion, no fubterfuge of disguise or artifice. It can no longer be denied, that their conduct is actuated by a fixed determination of excluding all means of peace, and of purfuing, at all hazards, their hoftile defigns against the happiness and fafety of these kingdoms; even the vain pretence of pacific difpofitions is now abandoned, and the real purpose of all their councils, and of all their measures, at length openly and publicly avowed. It is to our laws and government that they have declared their irreconciiable hatred. No facrifice will content them but that of our liberty; no conceffion but that of our envied and happy constitution.

Under fuch circumftances, we feel the duty which we owe in this great crifis to God and to our country. Animated by the fame fentiments which your majefty has been pleafed to declare to your people, and to the world-attached to your majefty by principles of duty and gratitude, and fenfible that it is only from courage and firmness that we can look for present safety, or permanent peace, we are determined to defend, with unfhaken refolution, your majefty's throne, the lives and property of our fel. low-fubjects, the government and conftitution of our country, and the honour and independency of the British empire. We know that great exertions are neceffary; we are prepared to make them; and, placing our firm reliance on that divine protection which has always (T4) hitherte

hitherto been extended to us, we will support your majefty to the utmost, and stand or fall with our religion, laws, and liberties.

ANSWER.

My Lords and Gentlemen, Nothing could be more fatisfac tory to me than this unanimous declaration of the fentiments of my two houfes of parliament. They are fuch as the conduct and declared intention of the enemy could not fail to produce. We are engaged in a cause which is common to us all, and contending for every intereft which a free and independent nation can have to maintain. Under the bleffing of Providence, I look with confidence to the iffue of this great conteft: but in every event my refolution is taken. It is fuch as I owe to God, to my country, and to myself; and it is confirmed by the fentiments which you have this day declared to me. I will not be wanting to my people, but will ftand, or fall, with them, in the defence of our religion, and in the maintenance of the independence, laws, and liberties of thefe kingdoms.

Treaty of Navigation and Commerce between his Britannic Majefty and the Emperor of Ruffia, figned at St. Peterfburgh, Feb. 10-21, 1797.

In the name of the moft holy

and undivided Trinity! His majefty the king of Great Britain and his majesty the emperor of all the Ruffias, already united by the ties of the most intimate alliance, and having it equally at heart to cement more and more the good correfpondence which fubfifts between them and their re

fpective kingdoms, and, as much as it is in their power, to make the reciprocal commerce between their fubjects profper, have judged it proper to collect under one point of view, and to fix the reciprocal rights and duties, upon which they have agreed amongst themselves, in order to encourage and facilitate the mutual exchanges betwixt the two nations. In confequence of which, and in order without delay to proceed to the perfection of fo falutary a work, their faid majes ties have chofen and nominated, for their plenipotentiaries, that is to fay, his majefty the king of Great Britain, the fieur Charles Whitworth, his envoy extraordinary and minifter plenipotentiary at the imperial court of Ruffia, knight of the order of the Bath; and his majesty the emperor of all the Ruffias, the fieur Alexander count of Befborodko, his actual privy councillor of the first clafs, fenator minifter of the council of ftate, director general of the posts, and knight of the orders of St. Andrew, of St. Alexander Newfky, of St. Anne of the first class, and grand crofs of St. Wladimir of the first class; the fieur Alexander prince of Kourakin, his vice-chancellor, actual privy councillor, minifter of the council of state, actual Chamberlain, and knight of the or der of St. Andrew, of St. Alexander Newfky, and of St. Anne of the first clafs, as alfo of the orders of Denmark, of Dannebrog, and of the perfect union, and the fieur Peter of Soimonow, his privy councillor, fenator prefident of the college of commerce, and knight grand cross of the order of St. Wladimir of the fecond clafs; who, in virtue of their full powers, have agreed and concluded upon the following articles.

Article

Article I. The peace, friendship, and good intelligence, which have happily hitherto fubfifted between their majefties the king of Great Britain and the emperor of all the Ruffias, fhall be confirmed and eftablifhed by this treaty, in fuch manner, that from the prefent, and for the future, there fhall be between the crown of Great Britain on one fide, and the crown of all the Ruffias on the other, as alfo betwixt the ftates, countries, kingdoms, domains, and territories, under their dominion, a true, fincere, firm, and perfect peace, friendship, and good intelligence, which fhall laft for ever, and fhall be inviolably obferved equally by fea and by land, and upon the fresh waters; and the fubjects, people, and inhabitants on each fide, of whatever ftate or condition they may be, fhall mutually treat each other with every poffible kind of benevolence and affiftance, without doing each other any wrong or damage whatfoever.

II. The fubjects of the two high contracting powers fhall have perfect freedom of navigation and of commerce in all their dominions fituated in Europe, where navigation and commerce are permitted at prefent, or fhall be fo hereafter, by the high contracting parties, to any other nation.

III. It is agreed that the fubjects of the two high contracting parties may enter, trade, and remain with their fhips, veffels, and carriages, laden or empty, in all the ports, places, and cities, where the fame is permitted to the fubjects of any other nation whatsoever; and the failors, paffengers, and fhips, whether British or Ruffian (although amongst their crews there fhould be found the subjects of fome other foreign nation), fhall be received

and treated as the most favoured nation; and neither the failors, nor the paffengers, fhall be forced to enter, againft their will, into the fervice of either of the two contracting powers, with the excep tion of fuch of their fubjects whom they may require for their own fervice; and if a fervant or failor shall defert from his fervice or fhip, he fhall be restored. It is in like manner agreed that the fubjects of the high contracting parties may purchase all forts of things which they may be in want of at the current price; repair and refit their fhips, veffels, and carriages; buy all the provifions neceffary for their fubfiftence or voyage; ftay or depart at their pleasure without moleftation or hindrance, provided that they conform themselves to the laws and ordinances of the refpective dominions of the high contracting parties where they may be. In like manner, the Ruffian fhips which fhall be at fea for the purpose of navigation, and shall be met by English fhips, fhall not be hindered in their navigation, provided that in the British fea they conform themselves to cuftom; but every fort of affiftance shall be given to them both in the ports fubject to Great Britain and in the open fea.

IV. It is agreed that the fubjects of Great Britain may carry, by water or by land, in their own flips and carriages, or in those which they fhall have freighted or hired for that purpose, into any province whatever of Ruffia, all forts of merchandise or effects, of which the trade or entry is not prohibited; that they fhall be permitted to keep them in their houses or magazines, to fell or exchange them wholesale, freely and without moleftation, without being obliged

to