in the present system: it must be "It is all owing to the unreasonableness of the enemy that we do not obtain peace."-Infatuated men! They were afterwards most fatally convinced of the folly of their arguments, and obliged to accept of terms far more against them than they might have obtained had ne gotiations been offered long before they were But what were the calamities then to what we have now to struggle with? What the prospect of extricating ourselves then to the present? To America we had Jittle to give but independence, and the trouble of conciliating lost affection; to France, Spain, &c. mutual restitution Now we have no prospect but the continuance of the war; and the consequences were too dreadful to anticipate farther than he had done. One part, indeed, of the minister's political conduct he could not forbear to mention; his entrance into parliament:-it was towards the close of the American war. The right honourable gentleman began his career by opposing it most vehemently, and af ter the majority which had carried it on was put an end to, he complimented the Rockingham administration, and said, "You have destroyed the majority, but cannot be sure of having completed your purpose if you do not strike at the root of the evil. There must be a radical reform, otherwise ministers may, on future occasions, arise, who will again plunge the country into more bloody and expensive wars than even this." The forebodings had been very fully and fatally accomplished. He himself had lived to become that very minister whose anticipated misconduct he had so feelingly deplored; and no sooner became possessed of ministerial influence than he used it more liberally than his predecessors had ever done, not only to prevent reform, but to stab the constitution in every vein, and to plunge us into armaments and wars more prodigal of blood and treasure than ever had been known in history. Mr. Fox concluded with moving, as an amendment, "that this house had learnt, with inexpressible concern, that the negotiation for the restoration of peace had been unhappily frustrated. In so awful and important a crisis, the commons felt it their duty to speak to his majesty with that freedom and earnestness which became men anxious to preserve the honour of the crown and to secure the interests of the people; they sincerely deplored that they were under the necessity of declaring they had reason to think the ministers were not sincere in their endeavours to restore the blessings of peace to this distressed country; for, on the one hand, they insisted on the restoration of the Netherlands, whilst the directory, with equal pertinacity, claimed that part of their conquests as a condition from from which they could not depart; -that the house lamented the rashness and injustice of the ministers, whose misconduct had produced this embarrassing situation, by advising his majesty to refuse all negotiation for the adjustment of the then subsisting differences; although, at that time, the Netherlands, so far from being considered as an object of contest, were solemnly renounced, and the peace of Europe offered into his majesty's hands upon the basis of that renunciation and the independence of Holland, whilst she preserved her neutrality towards France; that this house had further to regret, that soon after the commencement of the war, when Holland had been rescued from invasion and the greater part of the Netherlands recovered for the emperor, when the princes of Europe continued firm in their alliances to Great Britain, the ministers did not avail themselves of this position for the negotiation of an honourable peace; but, on the contrary, refused to set it on foot, upon the arrogapt and insulting pretence, that the French republic was not capable of maintaining the relations of peace and amity amongst nations; and on this unfounded assumption had advised his majesty to continue the war, when the difficulties of peace had been so much increased by the defection of most of the confederate powers, and by the conquests and consequent pretensions of the republic-that this house, having submitted these reflections, felt themselves in duty bound, for the information of his majesty, and the satisfaction of an exhausted people, to proceed with diligence to investigate the causes which had produced their calamities, and to offer such advice as the alarming crisis of the nation now required." Mr. secretary Dundas said, that this speech was the most mischievous which he ever heard come from an envenomed opposition. There was scarcely one topic contained in it which was not calculated to give encouragement to our enemies. In the good times of our forefathers, it never occurred to the most inflamed patriot to avail himself of his situation, as a member of parlinient, to plead the cause of the enemy in the manner the French republic had been applauded that night. The right honourable gentleman's present amendment was a very fair one; he called upon the house to make a declaration, that they believed ministers to have been insincere. For his own part, he was ready to make his appeal to the house; and upon that issue, he would call upon the members, as honest men, to give their opinion, whether they thought ministers had omitted any measures that might have procured peace for the country. He agreed that the expenses of this war were very great, but our success was equal to it; and there was not a foreign possession belonging to the enemy that we had not taken, except one island; and all these were offered to be surrendered as a compensation for what was to be restored to our allies. The emperor's and our situation were thrown into one common stock: we were willing to relinquish our acquisitions, to procure him the restitution of the territories he had lost. With respect to Holland and his declaration concerning the Cape of Good Hope, when he urged the retaining of it, he was consulting the dearest interests of the country, without injuring those of any other power; and if Ceylon should be wrested from our hands, he should regret it as the greatest calamity : but it never was his design to take from from Holland its trade to the Cape, from the actual possession of which she could derive no benefit; for the Dutch East India company was too weak to keep it at that great expense which was necessary. With respect to the Austrian Netherlands, which had engaged the attention of this country nearly three hundred years, the importance of the subject was recorded in the journals of the house He would appeal to the old French monarchy for the truth of the assertion, that one acre of land in the Austrian Netherlands was worth a whole province in France. He wished to impress this upon the house before they adopted the propositions of the right honourable gentleman, that they might see how necessary it was for his majesty to demand as a condition, that they should be evacuated by France. He wished also to ask Mr. Fox what other conclusion was France to draw from his proposition, but that the republic had the greatest right to retain the Netherlands with obstinancy? Facts would best show which party had been wanting in a real desire to promote peace. Did the French in any period come forward to negotiate, and were refused by us? No; the contrary was the truth. We had regularly used every means, from the note of Mr. Wickham, at Basle, to the late mission of lord Malmesbury, to bring about so desirable an event; but without success. There was a pertinacity about the French government which precluded, except in appearance only, all overtures for peace, which it is conceived they did not wish, by the obstacles they put in the way of its completion. Mr. Dundas then requested, that gentlemen would not suffer their opinions to be led away from the real question by the sophistry of Mr. Fox, which did not merely tend to lead from the question, but in its eventual application to strengthen the hands of our enemies, by giving delusive statements of our real situation; and concluded by solemnly calling upon the house, if they conceived the administration had acted with the duplicity with which they were charged, to pass a vote of cen sure upon them, and inflict a heavy punishment; but let it be unmixed with any other matter. Mr Grey replied to several points mentioned by Mr. Dundas; and after paying some high compliments to Mr. Fox, as to his disinterestedness in his political character, hoped he should one day see him possessing that situation which the present holder had manifested his inability to maintain. He thought it probable that the people, of England would one day declare, whether those who regularly had supported every administration, the prosecution of every war, and the accumulation of every tax, were its best friends, or those who opposed those measures, though unfortunatly in a minority. He insisted that the fundamental evil from which all our misfortunes flowed, was, that peace never had been the real object of those who carried on the war. They went upon a system of extermination; and by these means our enemies were so irritated, that there was danger we should never come to an amicable conclusion Mr. Grey remarked, that the right honourable gentleman had made an erroneous statement, when he inform ed the house that the British had con quered every foreign possession belonging to the French but one; he must have forgotten the isle of Bourbon, Cayenne, and several others of consequence, still in their possession. He proceeded to take a review of 1 lord lord Malmesbury's letter to lord Grenville; and contended that M. Delacroix's proposition of offering an equivalent to the emperor for the Netherlands, in the secularization of the three ecclesiastical electorates, and several bishoprics in Germany and Italy, might be considered as a contre-projet, and ought to have been attended to. However we might wish the Netherlands should remain in the possession of the emperor, the most sanguine expectations of ministers could not lead them to hope they could be regained by force. independent lord must be desirous of contributing to its attainment : the voice of the country demands it; and attainable it is, if sought for with a sincere intention." To prove that the government of France was no less disposed to enter into an amicable negotiation, his lordship proceeded to read a few extracts from the papers which had been submitted to the house at the conclusion of the late negotiation. In note 2 to Mr. Wickham, was this passage; "The directory ardently desires to procure for the republic a just, honourable, and solid peace. The step taken by Mr. Wickham would have afforded the directory a real satisfaction, if the declaration which that minister makes, of his not having any order, any powers to negotiate, did not give room to doubt the sincerity of the pacific intentions of his court." Again, in No. 7, which contained an extract from the register of decrees of the executive directory, were these words: "The executive directory, upon consideration of the note addressed to the minister for foreign affairs, by lord Grenville, dated Westminster, Sept. 24, 1796-wishing to give a proof of their desire to make peace with England, decrees, "That the minister is charged to deliver passports to the envoy of England, who shall be furNot disheartened by this defeat, nished with powers, not only for but, on the contrary, encouraged by preparing and negotiating the peace the general clamour for peace which between the French republic and prevailed through every part of the that power, but for concluding it bekingdom, the minority still persisted tween them." And again: "The in their endeavours for the restora- directory sees with pain, that at the tion of that invaluable blessing. On moment when it had hoped for the the 23d of March, the earl of speedy return of peace, the proposal Oxford called the attention of the of lord Malmesbury offers but dilaupper house to a motion of which he tory or distant means of bringing had given notice some time before: the negotiation to a conclusion, "Peace (said his lordship) is so im- Nevertheless, the directory, animatperiously demanded by the circum-ed with an ardent desire of putting stances of the country, that every stop to the war, declares, that as soon He considered the proposition of retaining the most important possessions of our former ally, Holland, as a most profligate trait in the late negotiation. The offer of restoring Martinique and Pondicherry only (for St. Lucia and Tobago were to be kept as an equivalent for our supposed claims on St. Domingo) for all the conquests made by France on the emperor was a most extravagant proposition. He called upon the house to reflect on the state of the country, the burden of taxes which must be imposed on the people, the torrents of blood that would flow, and the millions of lives that must be lost, if the war were prosecuted. The house divided: for the amendment 37-against it 212. as as lord Malmesbury shall exhibit sufficient powers from the allies of Great Britain for stipulating for their respective interests, accompanied by a promise on their part to subscribe to whatever shall be concluded in their name, the directory will hasten to give an answer to their propositions, and the difficulties shall be removed, as far as may be consistent with the safety and dignity of the republic." His lordship concluded from all this, that the directory was disposed to peace, but determined to reserve the Rhine for the boundary of France; it had power to do it, and we none to prevent it. We must, the efore either make peace on these terms, or persist in war, to our own destruction. He therefore moved that an address might be presented, to represent to his majesty, that in the present alarming situation of the country, the house considered it to be its duty to apprize him of his own danger, and of the ruin which threatened the nation. That the shock which had been given lately to public credit* must deprive us of those means whereby we were enabled to hold our rank amongst nations, unless we were relieved from our present enormous expenditure, by an immediate, sincere, and lasting peace, That the house saw with concern, that the late negotiation was broken off by the conduct and demands of his majesty's ministers, and not by want of disposition for peace on the part of the French. That in answer to the note delivered by Mr. Wickham, the directory declared, that, "Yielding to the ardent desire to procure peace, it would not fear to express itself openly; charged by the constitution with the execution of the laws, it could not make or listen to any proposal which would be co trary to them; the constitutional act did not permit it to consent to any alienation of that which, according to the laws, constituted the territory of the republic." That it was impossible his majes ty's ministers could have misunderstood this declaration; for in the note dated Downing-street, were these words: "To a demand such as this, is added a declaration that no proposal contrary to it will be made or listened to." That six months after, the ministers again made overtures for peace, but in so ungracious a manner that their sincerity might reasonably be questioned, and demanded as their sine qua non those very terms which, before they began their negotiation, they knew would be refused. That under all these circumstances the house humbly and earnestly entreated his majesty to enter into a negotiation upon such terms as France would be likely to listen and accede to, and in such a manner as would leave no doubt of a pacific intention. And the house begged leave to assure his majesty, that it would entertain no doubt of the success of such a negotiation, and would feel confidence after the restoration of peace, that such wise regulations might be adopted by the legislature, as would relieve the people from their burdens; remove every complaint of unequal representation; restore their ancient constitution; and ensure to his majesty the affections of his subjects, the glory, pros perity and happiness of his future reign. * The stoppage of specie at the bank, to be noticed in a succeeding chapter. On |