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The earl of Darnley again affirmed there never was a period when the Irish showed more loyalty; and all representations of their being disaffected towards government were without foundation.

The earl of Moira concluded the debate by a few observations: it was known that after the catholics had been led to expect relief, a member of the house of commons of Ireland started up in a debate, and pronounced on their hopes an absoJute interdiction. Another member in the other house of parliament pronounced one, sweeping condemnation on the north of Ireland. The noble lord and himself differed with respect to the state of the country. He alleged there were great and alarming discontents there: his lordship had declared the mass of the people were contented: now, as the veracity of one could not be tried against the other, the only mode of decision was to refer to facts. Was not a whole county exposed to invasion, and that a maritime one, disarmed on its being alleged to be in a state of insurrection? Had not many persons been accused of high treason? And when all ranks surrounded those who were accused, protesting they were innocent, but marked out as victims of the vengeance of government-when a general assembly in Dublin resolved and declared it to be their firm persuasion that Ireland would be lost if there was not a change in the executive government-were these proofs of the general satisfaction of the mass of the people? Yet these were the facts, their lordships were to judge concerning the accuracy of the representation. The numbers on the

earl's motion were, contents 20, non-contents 72.

The general state of Ireland was, on the 23d of March, brought before the house of commons by Mr. Fox. He began his speech with observing, that in the year 1782 very great discontents existed in Ireland, and it appeared to him indispensably necessary, that every thing should be done on the part of the government to appease them. With this view, he himself proposed the recognition of the complete independence of that country: it was not of consequence whether that recognition was a boon or a right; but having been the person who proposed the act, he considered himself bound to follow up the principle of it, which was to make Ireland free and independent, and, above all, to adopt such measures as should admit her to all the advantages of that independence, and restore that cordial affection between the two countries, so requisite to the prosperity of both.

The parliament of Great Britain was now called upon to inquire how it had happened that those concessions had not produced the salutary consequences which might have been expected from them; and it was the duty of every mem ber of that house, and his own in particular, to direct the attention of the British legislature to the present state of the sister kingdom.

Jreland, he said, was in a state of disturbance; and, though a variety of circumstances had concurred to produce this state, there were two or three leading points to which he proposed chiefly to confine his observations. These were, how far, in consequence of our concessions, Ireland had in fact and in substance enjoyed the ad

vantages

vantages of an independent legislature and whether in that form of a free constitution which they obtained, the people possessed that political weight to which they were entitled? It had been generally calculated, that five-sixths of the inhabitants of Ireland were Roman catholics; several of the grievances under which they laboured had apparently been removed. But if upon inquiry it should be found that the mode in which these grants had been made, and the acts of the executive power by which they were accompanied, had produced the severe t persecutions of a political nature; it would appear that the catholics had not been redressed, and in point of right and real possession had been worse off than before.

ment and of the British cabinet. Mr. Fox then observed, that, at the time of his majesty's unfortunate indisposition, the legislature of Ireland took a decided part: the parliament censured the lordlieutenant for his conduct, and expressed a decided opinion on the state of public affairs: immediately after this, however, and during the administration of the same lieutenant, a great accession of influence was gained by the crown, and the parliament was prevailed upon to unsay all they had said, and to retract every opinion they had given. It was matter of notoriety, that a regular system was then devised for enslaving Ireland; and this plan of corruption was followed up by suitable measures. Mr. Fox affirmed, it had been offered to be proved by men of the first character and talents, (and when he mentioned Mr. Grattan, it was enough) that it had been the system of government, by the sale of peerages, to raise a purse to purchase the representation of the people of Ireland. The manner in which these events were considered in that country was this: You have granted us, said the people, a legislature certainly independent of your parliament, but dependent on your executive government. The concession, therefore, they viewed not as a blessing, but an insult. When earl Fizwilliam went to Ireland in the capacity of lordlieutenant, it was understood that he left London with the approbation of ministers in favour of the complete emancipation of the catholics; and though no such vote ever passed the legislature, no doubt was entertained that the measure would take effect, and would have experienced the firm support of parliament: but after he hopes

These were the principal, but not the only points involved in the inquiry. There were others, unconnected with the catholics: the inhabitants of the north had been considered by some in a less favourable light, and their complaints had been heard with a less favourable ear their discontents had arisen from the pressure of a war in which they had no interest, from the distresses entailed thereby upon their trade and commerce; and from the abuses which they conceived to exist in the constitution by which they were governed. They complained that it did not not resemble that of Great Britain; they had not a legislature in which the people were even virtually represented, and they enjoyed as little political liberty as those who lived under monarchies in which the principles of freedom were unknown: the advantages which the form of a free constitution seemed to promise, had been counteracted by the influence of the executive govern

which had been raised, after the known preparation of parliament to vote, he was suddenly dismissed, the system reversed, and the question, which a few weeks before would have been carried with unanimity, was rejected by a vast majority. Was not this a proof beyond a thousand arguments, that the measure of 1782 had been rendered inefficacious, that Ireland in fact had gained nothing, and was in a state of degradation beyond any former period? Here Mr. Fox strongly expressed his abhorrence of that diabolical maxim, by which Ireland was to be regulated-divide et impera—and of that policy which weakly and wickedly sought to separate the higher from the lower ranks of catholics. At the same time our proceedings, he said, were such, as to convince them all that our concessions were extorted, that the hostile mind still existed against them, and they continued to be marked out as victims of the most cruel proscriptions. Suspicions were insinuated against men of the first respectability, of considerable property and of undoubted loyalty; numbers were taken up for high treason; and when acquitted, it was proved no grounds of just accusation could ever have been entertained against them. The remedies applied tended to foment the evil: the authority of the laws was superseded; those whom it would have been impossible to convict were transported in great numbers without trial; an act called the Insurrection-act was passed to enable government to pursue those violent measures, and the lapse of a very short time had showed them the consequence of such conduct, and the fallacy of such reasonings!

There were persons who supposed

that the prejudices of the Roman catholics and the dissenters would prevent them from forming a union; but was this likely to be prevented when we were daily declaring so many districts out of the king's peace, and in a state of disturbance; and, instead of conciliating the minds of the catholics, were telling them, that they had nothing more to expect? An opis nion had gone forth that the catholics had no substantial grievances to complain of, and the presbyterians less; that the catholics can vote for members of parliament, and are not distinguished from the protestants but by being excluded from the high office of state, and from being members themselves, It is objected, continued Mr. Fox, that it is not civil liberty which they wish, but power and emolumont which they pursue. And why should they not? To ask civil liberty without political power, would be to ask the possession of a right for which they could have no se curity. Is it improper that any people who contribute so largely to the support of government as the catholics do, should be desirous to share the emolument it bestows, as a compensation for what they sacrifice? They are men, and are to be governed. The expense of maintaining all governments is considerable, and that of Ireland is certainly no model of economy;

but justice and candour will allow that the catholics ought to share in its advantages when they contribute to its support. He then proceeded to make some remarks on the discontents of the dissenters: they considered their grievances, he said, to consist in the abuses of government which they had not means to remedy: they wished for the substantial blessings

of

of the English constitution and the political principles on which it is founded. Were they unreasonable when they complained of not having the advantage of even virtual representation? To suppose that a large, industrious, and intelligent body of men could be governed against the principles they had imbibed, and the prejudices by which they were guided, was absurd. We were now precisely at the point in which we stood in 1774 with America; and though the distance, and its population extending over an immense tract of country, were disadvantages peculiar to that contest, he remembered when this circumstance was stated as an advantage, as it would prevent sudden collections of people. He remembered also at that period the expression of the American "war," which he was the first person in that house to use, was treated with the utmost ridicule; and to call some riots at Boston by that name was regarded as absurdity. Some might treat the idea of a war with Ireland with the same contempt, and he sincerely hoped experience would not decide so triumphantly in his favour as on the former occasion. But when he saw, as in the present instance, a government desirous to decide by force against the will of a majority, he clearly saw the danger of a civil war. Ireland was in that state which one well acquainted with the subject defined to be despotism; "where the executive power was every thing, and the rights of the people nothing." Suppose we were to succeed in disarming the whole of the north of Ireland, they must be kept in subjection by force. Could we convince them by the bayonet that their principles were false, their pretensions unjust; and de

monstrate that they enjoyed the blessings of a free constitution by martial law? Never! The history of their country proved that, though repeatedly subdued, it could not be kept in awe by force. The character of the people of the north had been severely stigmatized as men of the old leaven. They were indeed of those who rescued their country from the tyranny of Charles I. and James II; they were of that leaven which asserted and defended the principles of liberty which fermented, when kneaded together, the freedom of the British constitution. If these principles were carried to excess, it was an excess to which he openly professed himself partial; the opposition they had suffered was some apolo gy. The mode now adopted was this: it was necessary there should be a certificate from the magistrates to declare a county out of the king's peace; many of these magistrates were Englishmen, and officers of the fencible corps. Were the people to be told that these men were acting only in a civil capacity? Several of the principal inhabitants of Belfast were arrested; and the law was in such a state, that men might be kept in prison without trial.

The people of the north, attached to these men, were determined that they should not suffer in their property; they worked for them for nothing; they reaped their harvests, to show their good will to the arrested parties, or their detestation of the conduct of government. This, however, was construed to be a heinous offence; the people were dispersed by the military; and when some of them were killed, the persons who attended their bodies to the grave were deemed criminal, and this act of

humanity

humanity regarded as an act against the state. What must be the effect of such measures? Was it not likely to influence even to insurrection those who before had preferred monarchy, and to induce the most loyal to question the excellence of a monarchical state, on witnessing these consequences from its abuses? If the Irish were subdued (Mr. Fox said), it would be necessary to keep up a large military force or supposing they would submit, we could not trust them; submission to laws which they detested could last no longer than our force, and their impotency. Was it the way to persuade the cat olics to assist us, to refuse all their demands? An application had been made, not from the peasantry but the nobility, a strong and urgent application to the government to grant the remainder of their requests: it had been unsuccessful. For himself, he professed he knew of no way of governing mankind but by conciliating them; and what could we lose by such methods? If ireland, by conceding to all her wishes, was governed, would she be less useful to Great Britain? What was she now? Little more than a diversion for the enemy. Even if we could retain her by force, what should we do in all future wars? In the first place, secure her from insurrection, which would be no easy matter whilst she considered herself aggrieved. The consequences of a war with her were dreadful to contemplate; public horrors would be so increased by the laceration of private feelings, as to spread universal misery through both countries. The connexion was so interwoven between the individuals of each, that no rupture could happen without wounding the most tender friendship and the

most sacred ties. Rigour had been already attempted; let conciliation be tried before the last appeal `is hazarded. Let the whole people of Ireland enjoy the same principles, the same system, the same operation of government, and all classes an equal chance of emolument. In other words, let the whole Irish government be regu lated by Irish notions, and Irish prejudices; and the more she is under them, the more will she be bound to English interests.

Mr. Fox touched next upon the removal of earl Fitzwilliam : he asked those who best knew the country, whether the day of his departure was not a day of sorrow? The catholic petition was rejected, and the present distracted state of Ireland had been produced by the hopes of the people being disappointed, and by the cup of enjoy. ment and liberty having been suddenly dashed from their lips. He concluded his speech by moving an address to his majesty," that he would be pleased to take into consideration the disturbed state of Ireland, and to adopt such lenient measures, as might appear best calculated to restore tranquillity, and conciliate affection."

Sir Francis Burdett seconded the motion: he described pathetically the present situation of Ireland; its fields desolated, its prisons overflowing with the victims of oppression! He lamented the contrast between a profligate extravagant government, and an enslaved impoverished people. One person, he said, whom he knew to be as incapable of treason to his country, as he was capable of every thing great, generous, and noble for the good of his country, was now immured within the walls of Dublin castle; -a man whose private virtues

equalled,

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