fence: he had combined with it the impracticable attempt of likewise clearing the character of his colleagues. The point to be considered was, why admiral Colpoys had not received orders to proceed to Ireland as soon as he received information that the French fleet had sailed. If the best means for securing that country were not taken, it was the fault of administration in general; orders must have issued from the council: they had certain intelligence of the eneiny's design, and it was a criminal neglect that no proper modes of defence were adopted. Of any blame on this head he fully acquitted the first lord of the admiralty. What was the state-what were the resources-what the prospects of this country at the present moment? If we are to go on with patience, to call it by the gentlest name, said his lordship, the nation never will rise from its degraded situation. To be ruined it is not necessary that the island should be sunk in the sea, or that its inhabitants should disappear-but when the adverse circumstances in which it is placed involve confusion which no longer allows things to move in their usual course, or to be managed as they have been for centuries past, then that country may be said to be ruined: they should learn to appreciate their real situation; and he should vote for the inquiry, in the hope that they would proceed farther, and shew to whom the disasters of the war were attributable, and examine why the ministers did not improve the favourable opportunities present

ed to them.

The earl of Liverpool, upon the whole view of the matter, professed himself perfectly satisfied that every thing had been effected which hu man prudence could suggest. His

lordship threw all the blame upon the elements, and could not agree to censure any part of administration, by assenting to such an inquiry.

The duke of Bedford examined very dispassionately every branch of the subject, and concluded with casting the blame upon the ministers. He thought the house had nothing more to do than to read the papers upon their table, and to attend to the speech of the first lord of the admiralty, in order to be satisfied of the necessity of inquiry: and the question was, whether, upon evident necessity, their lordships would inquire for their own sakes, and the sake of the public, or continue a blind confidence in ministers, and deceive the public?

an

Lord Hood expressed his decided opinion, that such a motion could be of no good, and would produce much harm: that this was a time when the hearts and hands of every man should unite in the support of the country. He saw no blame in his majesty's ministers, and could not, therefore, assent to the inquiry. He hoped, by means of our naval power, our wishes would soon be gratified by a speedy peace. He should have been glad, he said, to have served in this just war, if he had been permitted to do so.

Lord Auckland opposed the motion. He could see no reason for terming this a miscarriage on our part. The enemy had failed in the expedition, and had lost one-fourth of their ships, and nearly five thou sand of their men. Our country had sustained no calamity by sea; she had risen to glory, and in the course of the contest destroyed 100 ships of war belonging to the enemy.

The earl of Guilford said, that

which would prove particularly prejudicial to Ireland, would it be incompatible for the Irish nobles to intreat his majesty to interpose to prevent its taking effect?

The time was now past for their lordships to be amused with unprofitable disputations; substantial vigour and energy of conduct were now required: the universal sentiment prevailing was, that the exertion of every honest man was necessary to save the state from the calamities into which it was plunged. If their lordships refused to contribute their part, they would forfeit their credit with the public; they would entail upon the house re. proach equally dishonourable to themselves, and pernicious to the Country. In advising his majesty to the effect proposed, they would not only exercise one of their most important previleges, but fulfil one of their most important duties. They were the hereditary counsellors of the throne, and no occasion could occur which called more strongly for the exercise of the right. If it appeared that the counsellors more immediately about his majesty's person-his ministers-had not given that advice which was calculated to insure the happiness and prosperity of Ireland, it was the duty of their lord. ships to approach the throne, with advice more wise and salutary. To act in this manner, was to evince the strongest proof of attachment to the sovereign, and was the best pledge of their interest in the pub. lic welfare. But it might be said what influence could such an address carry with it to change the councils by which Ireland was governed? To prove the influence of the British cabinet, he need only appeal to a fact which had occurred not long ago: he meant the recal of the earl Fitzwilliam, at

was

a time when all Ireland was in fa vour of the measures he pursuedwhen that country gave the fairest prospect of tranquillity-and the surest pledge of assistance and support to Britain, in the arduous circumstances in which she placed. To the impolicy of that measure the distracted state of Ireland was now to be imputed. If the British cabinet could interfere so successfully for what he deemed an impolitic and mischievous purpose, could they not for the salutary end of recommending wisdom, and pro ducing good? He was convinced, that the general sentiment of Ireland was that of cordial attachment to this couutry, and that it was the determination of the majority to stand or fall with it. But amidst the present distractions, the jealougies which now prevailed, and the system which now subsisted, it should be recollected, that incalculable advantages were given to insidious and disaffected spirits to represent the bad effects resulting from their connexion with England. He trusted, that the army, on which he relied for the defence of Ireland, would remain ever faithful to his majesty; but was it not unwise to rely entirely on this resource? Would it not be impoli tic to trust to it, before they had done every thing to obtain a better security. Circumstances might be conceived in which this support might be overthrown. A similar reliance in another country had plunged it into the utmost misery. But it might be asked, what was the plan he wished to pursue? This, he said, was indicated in the motion itself. When they addressed his majesty to interpose his paternal care, the known goodness of his nature left no room to doubt the result: it was by temper, equity, and good faith, that the distraction

of

of Ireland was to be appeased, and the affections of the people conciliated; no good could be expected by a prosecution of the present measures the adoption of any calculated to impress the people with confidence in the government, would quickly call out that fond affection from the inhabitants of Ireland to this country, which circumstances might cloud, but could not extinguish; inspire that zeal so needful in the present moment, and furnish those resources requisite for the critical situation in which we were engaged.

Lord Grenville rose. He hoped he should prove, satisfactorily, that the present motion could not be adopted, but by breaking the solemn contract which had been entered into between the two countries, without tearing asunder every bond of union, and spreading distraction and division between the members of the British empire. He should, therefore, give his most decided opposition to the present motion, and to every proposition of a similar tendency. It was stated, that dissensions and discontents prevailed in Ireland, and it was truly said that the benevolence of his majesty's disposition must be anxious to remove them. In the proposed address, however, the cause of these dissensions was not stated; such an address was wholly unnecessary. In the beginning of the present reign the people of Ireland had been disunited, but to a much greater degree than at present, and to a greater extent. He would desire any one to compare the state as it was left by his majesty's ancestors, with its situation now; he would bid them look at the catholics, admitted to the exercise of their political rights to the enjoyment of their property--and to the participation

of every civil and social blessing: freely permitted to engage in every species of commerce, and apply themselves to every profession of honour; sharing the rights of voting for members of parliament, and manifesting in their whole conduct the effects of benefits received, in the best manner in which benefits could operate upon the human mind. He desired their lordships to consider their conduct upon the late occasion, when the French embarked in the hope of succeeding in their design by the disaffection of the inhabitants. For a proof of the loyalty of the catholics, he could refer to the testimony of the reverend prelates who worthily demeaned themselves as guides in religious matters. [He then read some passages of the circular letter from the catholic bishop of Cork.] Thus it appeared, his majesty's exertions had already been crowned with success. That this success was not complete, was a subject of regret: jealousies had appeared in some degree, but they had been conciliated by the benevolence and paternal care of our king, and what stronger pledge could be given of his intention to persevere in the same course? If the motion was meant to remedy the discontents which prevail, it was unnecessary : but it was more; it was highly dangerous and fraught with mischief; it was designed to apply to the internal state of Ireland, and to the frame of its independent legislature. About fourteen years ago, when discontents were represented to exist on account of the right not much excercised, but broadly asserted in the statute-book of the legisla ture of this country, to make laws to bind Ireland, his majesty advised parliament to disclaim that right, and repeal the obnoxious statute;