tion existed in the fleet. The answer was, that no such appear ance had been observed there, and it was supposed that the petitions had been framed for the purpose he suspected.

On the morning of the 22d of March, the day after his lordship was able to come to town, one of the lords of the admiralty, since absent on service happening to call upon his lordship, he related these particulars to him, shewed him the petitions, and sent them the same day to his house in the office, that they might be communicated to the first lord of the admiralty. Of the subsequent events he had no other knowledge than such as was to be obtained from the newspapers. He vindicated the character of the British seamen in general, whom he described as open hearted and generous, but sometimes too easily misled.

What we have now related may be considered rather as an irregular conversation than as a debate; but the subject was more formally introduced in the house of commons by the chancellor of the exchequer, on the 8th of May; but not till after the mutiny had broken out a second time with still more alarming symptoms. He said, he was well aware, that when proposing to increase the public burthens, he should be expected to say something of the causes that led to the augmentation. In the present instance, however, prudence and policy would prevent his entering into any discussion; and he entreated the house rather to trust to their silent judgment, than to agitate a subject, of which the slightest misrepresentation might give cause to the most alarming effects.

He then proceeded to state, that the increase of pay to the different classes of men would amount to

351,000l. and the increased eighth in the expense of victualling to 115,000/.; making 536,000l. for one year. It should, however, be observed, that the estimate of victualling was founded upon an old rate, when provisions were much cheaper than at present. What the actual sum wanted would be, he could not say; but he would take the total sum for nine months, beginning in April, at 372,000l. He therefore moved," that a sum not exceeding 372,000l be granted to his majesty, to enable him to defray the expense of the increased pay of the seamen and marines, and the full allowance of provisions."

Mr. Fox said, that he should consider it as a dereliction of his duty, if he gave the silent vote that was called for. It was not from discussion, but from silence, that the present mischief had proceeded. If when it was first known that the seamen were dissatisfied, the house had been considered as entitled to the confidence of ministers, and the business had been properly discussed, the events of Easter would not have taken place. Or if immediately after Easter the question had been openly agitated, we should not now be reduced to such a situation But the scandalous delay of a fortnight, which Ministers had interposed, and for which he hoped they would be made to answer, seemed to have been purposely meant to give room for misrepresentation. After observing that the idea of smothering the present business by secrecy was like silly children who think nobody can see them when they shut their eyes; and after advising the house not to confide in ministers at once incapable and criminal, Mr. Fox concluded by stating directly, that he approved highly of the intended addition, but that he wished to be made acquainted with the

circum

circumstances that rendered it ne

cessary.

Mr. Pitt said, that the right hon. gentleman had himself shewn that there was no need of explanation, since, while knowing no more than any other man, he declared himself ready to vote for the motion.

During the rest of the debate, Messrs. Pitt, Fox, and Sheridan, the only speakers, went nearly over the same ground; the former justifying the delay, and declining discusssion, and the two latter reprobating the affected secrecy and tardy measures of the ministers.

The resolution then passed, and was ordered to be reported immediately.

The subject was renewed on the following day by Mr. Whitbread, Considering the impression of men's minds relative to the disturbances at Portsmouth, he rose not to inquire into the causes of that affair, but to press upon the chancellor of the exchequer a question which had been distinctly proposed to him the night before, and to which no answer had been given. He then asked why the proposition for the augmentation of the pay of the sea. men had not been moved for before the preceding evening? It might have prevented the disastrous consequences. Unless a satisfactory ex planation was given of so fatal a de. lay, for which the honourable gentleman was responsible to that house and to the country, it was his intention to move a direct vote of censure against bim.

The chancellor of the exchequer acknowledged that he certainly was responsible, provided there was any misconduct imputable to any person on the occasion, alluded to. He would not then, however, enter into any discussion on the subject, concerning which he thought as

little as possible ought to be said. He observed, that, on the 26th of April, the petition of the seamen was referred to a committee of the lords of the admiralty. Their report was made to the king in council, and as soon as it was approved of, directions were immediately given at the proper offices to prepare an estimate of the sum to which he intended augmentation in the wages of the seamen would amount; and as soon as that estimate was ready, it was laid before the house, and the sum was voted. From these circumstances, there was no ground to suppose that it was not the intention of the executive government to propose such measures as might serve to satisfy the demands of the seamen. He concluded with observing, that he should propose a bill to be carried through all its stages in the most expeditious manner; this he should do as the best way of removing all doubts as to the executive government.

Mr. Fox said, that after the explanation which had just been given, he could not help observing that the delay complained of was an intolerable and fatal neglect of duty. In his opinion, ministers were guilty of delay both before and after the fact. The history of the transaction was, that in Easter week complaints had existed in the fleet, meetings of delegates had taken place, and various other circumstances happened. A letter was written from the admiralty upon the subject of these complaints, which stamped upon them a character of incapacity the most fagrant, or want of talents for acting upon a great and difficult crisis, unexampled in the annals of any administration. This letter not having produced any effect, a second

had

had been sent, with which the seamen were said to be satisfied, and on which they were to return to their duty. This transaction had taken place on Sunday morning, the 23d of April. Under all the circumstances with which this affair was accompanied, he would submit to any impartial mind, whether this was any occasion for tardy forms and official delays?

It was the duty of ministers, after they had recognised the delegates from the seamen, with whom they treated, to have lost no time in completing the promise they had made, and so to have finished the transaction; instead of which they took no step till the 26th of April, three days after the agreement had been made. They waited, it was said, for the opinion of the council, "Was this the time, said Mr. Fox, to wait for the opinion of the council, when the active members of administration formed the most efficient part of that council?" The order of council at length appeared on the 3d of May. But it was not till the 8th of May that the proposition was made to the house of

commons.

Mr. Whitbread and Mr. Sheridan supported the same arguments, to prove the unnecessary delay of the minister in this important affair. In some cases, they said he was famous for celerity: he avoided all delay, and set aside all forms, in granting the imperial loan; he was so anxious upon that measure, that he would not wait for three days, although it was notorious, that intelligence was expected to arrive which would put that loan out of the question.

To these accusations the chancellor of the exchequer replied, it was indifferent to him when Mr. Whitbtread brought for ward his pro

mised motion, for a censure of bis conduct on account of delay in this affair. He moved, "That a message should be sent to the lords, to desire that they would continue sitting for some time."

When the speaker was about to put the question, Mr. Fox said, that the motion of his honourable friend, whenever it should be made, would have his warm support, if it even went to supersede the executive government; for the executive government, as it was then conducted, was an insult to the country. Mr. Baker called to order; he thought that nothing could be more out of order, nor more dangerous than what he had just heard. Mr. Fox explained. The minister's motion was agreed to, and Mr. Pybus was ordered to carry up the request to the house of lords.

After the resolution of the committee of supply was read, which passed the day before, for the augmentation of the pay of the seamen, the chancellor of the exchequer moved for leave to bring in a bill pursuant to the said resolution. Leave was given to bring in the bill; and it was ordered to be an instruction to the persons appointed to bring it in, that they should make provision in it for granting a full allowance to wounded seamen, and to empower seamen to remit part of their additional allowance for the support of their wives, children, or mothers.

As soon as the upper house had greed to the request of the commons, the bill was brought in, read a first and second time, and passed through every stage; and also sent to the lords that day, who passed it through all its stages; when it immediately received the royal assent by commission.

The mutiny of the seamen at
Portsmouth

Portsmouth had been appeased but a few weeks, as we have already seen, before another broke out among the same class of men, at the Nore, which in magnitude and audacity greatly exceeded the former.

On the first of June his majesty sent a message to bath houses of parliament, acquainting them, with the deepest concern that the conduct of the crews of some of his ships then at the Nore, in persisting in the most violent and treasonable acts of mutiny and disobedience, notwithstanding the full extension to them of all the benefits which had been accepted with gratitude by the rest of the fleet, and offers of pardon on returning to their duty, had compelled his majesty to call on all his subjects to give their assistance in repressing such criminal proceedings. That he had laid before them a copy of a proclamation which he had issued for that purpose; and that he recommended it to the consideration of parliament to make more effectual provision for the prevention and punishment of all traitorous attempts to excite sedition and mutiny in his service, by sea or land."

On the following day, the chancellor of the exchequer moved an address of the commons to his majesty, upon the subject of his most gracious message, and after a debate of some length, the address was agreed to nem. con.

The chancellor of the exchequer then moved for leave to bring in a bill for the better prevention and punishment of all attempts to excite sedition and mutiny in his majesty's service; and the attorney-general, having seconded the motion, proseeded to state to the house the grounds upon which the proposed bill was founded. The frequency and malignancy of attempts to ex

cite mutiny was a fact so notorious, that no reasonable man could refuse his assent to it. His official situation bad enabled him to acquire evidence of the existence of the attempts which this measure went to remove. Seditious persons had at secret hours circulated handbills of a dangerous tendency, for the purpose of attracting the notice of the soldiers in the army; these attempts had been connected by a regular and concerted system, and were not casual, or confined to particular spots, but diffused all over the country, appearing in different and distant places on the same day, At Newcastle, at Nottingham, at Maidstone, and various other places, their proofs of concert, of system and design, had been found to

occur. False and unfounded rumours were echoed and re-echoed, that these attempts had succeeded in some instances, in order, by such report, to encourage the attempts in other places with the hopes and example of this success.

The circumstances recorded in different hand-bills were all of them equally false: the same seamen who had been worked upon by handbills, stating the disaffection and mutiny of their comrades in a different part, were themselves represented to these comrades as, having set the same example. The attempts made to seduce the soldiery, he said, were notorious; and strong suspicion lay, that the like attempts had been made upon the sailors since the melancholy fact of the existence of a mutiny had been proved to that house; and it was well known that mutiny was not of native growth among our seamen. The knowledge of such attempts, as to the army, was sufficient to autho rise the supposition of their existence

with regard to the navy. He then stated the insufficiency of the existing laws to punish the offences in question. At present, he said, to excite a soldier to desert was no more than a common misdemeanour; but surely, when that incitement was made with an intention to create mutiny and desertion in order to destroy the government, it was as dangerous as the worst species of treason. The measure which he suggested was, to put the offence upon the footing of an aggravated misdemeanour, and leave it to the discretion of judges to punish it with transportation, in the same manner as was provided by the bill which passed the year before, for punishing sedition. He considered the offence, however heinous, as not so specific as treason.

Mr. serjeant Adair expressed his opinion, that the punishment proposed, and the description of the offence, were extremely inadequate; and that the proposed punishment was insufficient to prevent such practices. He thought that the title of the bill should be, " for the more effectual preventing and punishing of attempts to excite mutiny and sedition" and if such was termed the offence, to inflict such punishment as the law applied in capital cases. He objected to the offence being called a misdemeanour, because he conceived that no punishment which could be inflicted for a misdemeanour would be adequate to this offence, which ought to be punished with death. He proposed that the description of the offence should be felony, in which case it would be most easy and expeditious with respect to the trial; and if there should be any degree of doubt of the guilt of any person, the laws applicable to felony would apply. Nothing, in his mind,, but the im

pression of the emergency of affairs could have induced him to recommend the punishment of death for this offence; a punishment which he thought was already too much multiplied in the statute-books; and he wished to be understood, even in this case, that the act should be limited as to its duration.

The chancellor of the exchequer observed, that he would have the description of the bill state the general nature of it, and a blank left for the committee, to be filled up with the punishment. He then moved, that it be read a first time, which was carried: it was then read a second time, and committed to a committee of the whole house for the next day.

On that day, upon the motion that the Speaker should leave the chair, Mr. Hobhouse observed, that he would not object to the bill, if three points could be made clear to the house. The first was, that the mutiny among the seamen did not originate from themselves, but arose from the incitement and seduction of others; the second, that the laws, as they now stood, were inadequate to prevent and punish that offence; and the third, that the bill then offered would answer that purpose. He believed that there might be wicked incendiaries working upon the army and navy, with a design to make them. instruments for the overthrow of the state. The fact of hand-bills being distributed both in the country and in the metropolis incontestibly proved, that there was a band of emissaries, all acting in concert for that purpose. But upon the other points he could not agree with the chancellor of the exchequer. He thought the existing laws adequate to the punishment of the offenders, were they to be put in force. The common law prescribed six years' imprisonment, and stand