his colleague in the commission Mr. Boyle the speaker of the House of Commons. The late Lord Clare has left us too faithful a portrait of this prelate, and has brought the consequences of his and the British cabinet's conduct in Ireland, to too close a bearing upon the Union, not to submit it to the reader in his own words. "After the treaty of Aix-la-Chappelle, the trade of this 66 country had so encreased, that the hereditary revenue was "amply sufficient for every public service, and a considerable inexorable in his resentments. Like his predecessor Boulter, he was invested with the arduous charge of marshalling the English interest, or as the more specious phrase then was of doing the king's (but in fact the minister's) business. His entertainments and connections were suited to his youth; and however conducive he might render them to his ruling passion of ambition, they had all the attractions of the most voluptuous refinement. His courtesy, affability, and hospitality gained him many abettors in a country where those qualities are supereminently appreciated and it is admitted on all hands, that his efforts to gain proselytes in parliament were indefatigable. Yet with all these advantages of nature and power, the number of his enemies is a strong presumption, that the charges of his enemies were not altogether groundless. For the honour of the English nation, of humanity and religion, I forbear to retail his enemies' account of his conduct. I take the less invidious side of the question, and submit his defence to the reader from an avowed encomiast, published in London, 1757, seven years before his death, which happened in 1765, when he was succeeded in the primacy by Dr. Robinson, afterward created Lord Rokeby. (Letter to the Duke of Bedford, p.12.) Speaking of a strong opponent of the primate's, the letter writer says: "Knowing, per"haps not entirely from all his own experience, of what consequence the charac"ter of integrity and virtue is even to a statesman, he with great industry and "secrecy spread about misrepresentations of the primate, as a man devoid of all "principles of religion and honour; as a monster swayed by unnatural appe"tites. To the first of these charges, it must be confessed, the primate gave "some countenance, by a conduct a little too free for a person at the head of "the ecclesiastical body. Having had a liberal education himself, and hav"ing always lived with those who had, he could not confine himself within the "narrow sphere of his profession. There was more foundation for the second "than for any other part of the charge. He was not always as cautious in his "promises as prudence required. Even when he did not promise, his answers, "from a fear of offending, and a desire of uniting every body to him, were ex"pressed in such a manner, as drew in the persons, to whom they were given, "to guess at more than he meaned. A practice often used by statesmen, but "which seems as little agreeable to good policy, as it is to morality. Hence "every body left him contented and assured of his friendship, receiving "all his expressions of kindness as so many absolute promises of what they "solicited. It is not then very extraordinary that he should be charged with many breaches of faith, and that the truth of those aspersions on this head, "with which he was so frequently bespattered, should be attested by many. "To the last abominable charge his virtue gave rise. Whether from a cold. "ness in his constitution, or what is more probable, out of respect to his eccle"siastical function, he totally abstained from women. It was impossible, in "a country which piques itself upon indispensable attachments to the fair sex, "that this should not be taken notice of, and become a general topic of conver"sation. His enemies laid hold of this opportunity to blacken his character, "with the imputation of a vice, the more easily credited, by how much the "more abominable; and to which some of his connections, for which people "could not easily account, did not a little contribute." * Speech, on the 10th of February, 1800, p. 27. 66 66 66 surplus remained in the exchequer, after defraying every charge upon it; so that in effect the crown was little, if at all "dependant on parliament for support: and it is difficult to say "how long this oligarchy might have kept its ground, if the intrigues of the ambitious ecclesiastic, then at the head of the Irish church, had not laid the foundation of party heat and animosities, which have long disturbed and degraded our parliamentary proceedings. The great trial of strength between the primate and the then speaker of the House of Commons was "made in 1753, when a bill was proposed for applying the sur66 plus then in the exchequer to pay a public debt, which had "been some time before contracted. The courtiers of that day ranged under the ecclesiastical banner, contended that this surplus belonged to the crown; and, therefore, that the king's 66 previous assent to its application ought to be signified before "the commons could appropriate it. The patriots,* ranged "under the speaker's banner, insisted that no such assent was 65 necessary, and beat their political adversaries by a small ma"jority. Heads of a bill for the appropriation passed the commons without taking notice of the king's previous assent to it. They were rejected by the crown, and the surplus was applied "by the royal authority, without the intervention of parliament. "But the commons took effectual care, that the question should "not occur a second time, by appropriating every future sur 66 66 66 True it is, that a very numerous party at this time ranged themselves under the appellation of patriots, but it follows not, that the views of many of them were truly patriotic: but as a standard of patriotism was then erected, and the victory was to be gained by numbers, it will readily be admitted, that too scrupulous a test of sincerity was not required of those, who offered to enlist under the banners of either party. Thus too frequently, alas, are private and mischievous projects effected under the disguise of patriotism: whence the very term has latterly lost its real, and acquired equivocal import. There is no question but that a certain party, whether they be termed an opposition, antiministerial, country party or patriots, had acquired such an ascendency in the House of Commons, that government could no longer ensure a question against them. The primate had kept on terms with many of them; but the manage ment of the king's business under such checks was incompatible with the uncontrolable spirit of that prelate he withdrew the mask, and openly avowed his intentions of carrying every measure of the British cabinet, which he speciously termed the king's business, with a high hand, in spite of all opposition. Open war was proclaimed between the contending parties, and a standard was erected by this aspiring prelate, to which all who expected preferment in church or state, or who were dissatisfied with their own party, were invited to resort. From subsequent events, the reports of certain disappointments amongst the patriots in their negotiations with the primate appear not to have been altogether groundless. Thus the blunt refusal of a reversionary grant of the Mastership of the Rolls to Mr. Carter's son, drove the father into a most determined and vindictive opposition. The primate, from the age and infirmity of Mr. Carter, considered the reversion of that lucrative employment much nearer than it fell in; for the master of the rolls lived to see the success of his opposition to the primate end in that prelate's disgrace and confusion, though he did not succeed in his own private views. 66 66 plus to their private use, under the specious pretence of local "public improvements. Wind-mills and water-mills, and canals, "and bridges, and spinning gennies, were provided at the pub"lic expence; and the parliamentary patrons of these great "national objects were entrusted with full discretionary powers "over the money granted to complete them. From this system of local improvement, a double advantage arose to the "Irish aristocracy: it kept their followers steady in the ranks, "and by reducing the crown to the necessity of calling for the supplies, made the political services of the leaders necessary “for the support of the king's government. But the precedent "was fatal, and a system has gradually been built upon it, which "would beat down the most powerful nation of the earth." 66 66 As one of the prominent objects of the Union was to remove the possibility of that mal-administration of the Irish government, which the noble earl said would beat down the most powerful nation of the earth, it will be necessary to enter more fully into the grounds of that opposition, which the patriots then made against the English interest. It had been the invariable usage, as it was the inherent duty of the commons, since the Revolution, to superintend the expenditure of the annual supplies which they raised; in order if there should be a deficiency, that they might supply it; if a surplus, that they might apply it to the credit of the nation: and the received notion, was, that they had a right to dispose of such surplus of the revenue, without the consent of the sovereign accordingly in the year 1749 they prepared a bill with the following preamble: "Whereas on the 25th of March last a considerable balance remained in "the hands of the vice-treasurers or receivers general of the kingdom, or their deputy or deputies, unapplied; and it will "be for your majesty's service, and for the ease of your faithful "subjects in this kingdom, that so much thereof as can be con"veniently spared should be paid, agreeably to your majesty's "most gracious intentions, in discharge of part of the national "debt.' 22 This assumption of right in the Irish commons to apply the unappropriated surplus of the revenue without the previous and express consent of the crown, gave great offence to the British cabinet, which in tenderness to the royal preroga tive instructed the Duke of Dorset, who had returned lord lieutenant to Ireland in 1751, to assure the parliament,* that he was commanded by the king to acquaint them, that his majesty, ever attentive to the ease and happiness of his subjects, would graciously consent and recommend it to them, that such a part of the money then remaining in his treasury, as should be thought consistent with the public service, should be applied to Journ. Com. p. 91. wards the further reduction of the national debt. This declaration, although it fell in with their intention of appropriating the surplus, yet alarmed the commons as a reflex attempt upon their privileges: accordingly in their address of thanks, which is usually a mere echo of the king's speech, they omitted to notice in any manner this consent of the crown; and they acknowledged, generally, his majesty's attention to their ease and happiness, in recommending the application of the surplus. In consequence of this, they resolved to apply 120,000l. of that surplus towards discharging the national debt: and in the preamble of the bill framed for this purpose they made no mention of his majesty's consent; which studied omission was extremely resented by the English ministry, as an intended and overt attack upon the prerogative. The bill was sent back amended in the preamble by an insertion of his majesty's consent, as well as his recommendation. The House of Commons had then been for some time deeply engaged in a most important investigation of the embezzlement and misapplication of public money, by Mr. Nevil, one of their own house, surveyor and engineer general, who was found guilty of the grossest peculation, embezzlement and fraud in his management of, and contracts for the barracks. Such abuses of public trusts had been long complained of, and much longer felt by the Irish nation: but till the patriots of that day had acquired sufficient strength to raise an effectual opposition to the abuses of the Anglo-Irish government, all addresses, remonstrances, and efforts for redress had (as usually is the case) but aggravated the evil, whilst the state delinquents were shielded by that factious majority in parliament, which it was the boasted policy of those times to support, under the appellation of an English interest. An insult and injury to Ireland which the Union can alone effectually repair. As this public attack upon a servant of the crown for gross abuse of public trust was the first effort of this nature, which seemed to promise success from the daily accumulating strength of the patriots and the glaring notoriety of the charges, the commons were unwilling to embroil themselves further with government, until they had ensured this first victory. They therefore passed the bill with the alteration, without even debating the question. Having succeeded in convicting the surveyor and engineer general of misapplying the public money and abusing the public trust, and ordering by a resolution of their house, that at his own expence, and without any further charge to the public he should render the barracks fit for the reception of the troops, For the different reports and resolutions against him vide 5 Com. Journ. passim. Mr. Nevil was afterwards expelled the house, and his name ordered to he expelled out of the list. 5 Journ. Com. p. 165. they now reserved themselves to make head against this encroachment of the crown upon their own privileges and uncontrolable right of raising and applying the surplus of the nation. The duke of Dorset was sent a second time to assume the government of Ireland, in the full expectation, that the popularity he had gained in his first administration, would have been successfully employed in stemming the progress of patriotism, which not perhaps so much from its intrisic merits, as from the popularity of Lucas, and the disgrace and punishment of Nevil, had become highly alarming to the English cabinet. The fate of that lord lieutenant, is an important lesson to the statesman, of the evil and disgrace of prostituting principle to place and favour. That nobleman was remarkable for his suavity of manners, and when formerly governor, had manifested such moderation, prudence, and caution, that nearly bordered upon timidity. He had no personal enemy, and was really friendly to the welfare and prosperity of Ireland. Upon his first arrival, he was received by all degrees and ranks of men, with all the marks of joy and gratitude, that could be manifested by those, who had experienced the goodness and mildness of his former admistraton, and who had long regretted his absence. The change of the public disposition towards his grace was as sudden,as his devotion to the English interest was determined. Primate Stone, to whose nod the whole Irish government moved, was execrated in the country for the detestable vices he was charged with: and Lord George Sackville the lieutenant's son, the secretary, gave general offence to the nation by the loftiness of his carriage: he was disdainful and impetuous: and though eloquent was often petulant and generally sarcastic in his language. The patriots complained loudly, that under these two, namely, an English archbishop, (no very staunch model of morality or virtue) and a young supercilious boy, giddy and intoxicated with power, the Irish nation was governed without controul.* The duke was How general the national hatred of the secretary and the primate was, appears from some of the standing toasts at that time used at the convivial meetings of the patriots: May all Secretary Bashaws and lordly High Priests, be kept to their tackle, the sword and the Bible. And may the importation of Ganymedes be discontinued in Ireland. These fixed public expressions of the sense of a party, prove not the truth but the prevalence of certain opinions, under which they acted. In a country where the vice of drinking has at all times been prevalent, and is the occupation of a principal part of the day, these convivial hours were naturally rendered subservient to the political purposes, which generally brought the parties together. Mr. Carter, the master of the rolls, was eminent for his perseverance at the bottle, and keeping the table in a roar of laughter by his archness, vivacity, and wit. To him indeed was ascribed the facetious device of systematically conveying point and satyre in toasts, which afterwards gained circulation through the newspapers, and found their way to the heart by being frequently repeated in the effervescence of hilarity and heat of intemperance. Thus did the most pointed apophthegms of politics, unite the company and sharpen the wit and malice of individuals against their common enemy. |