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her every thing she wanted, in the way which she herself wished for it. She therefore could have no reason to complain; the terms acceded to by England, were proposed by herself; the manner of redress had been prescribed by herself, and all her wishes would now be gratified in the way which she herself liked best: but as it was possible, that if nothing more was to be done than what he had stated to be his intention, Ireland might perhaps think of fresh grievances, and rise yearly in her demands; it was fit and proper that something should be now done towards establishing, on a firm and solid basis, the future connexion of the two kingdoms. But that was not to be proposed by him in parliament; it would be the duty of the crown to look to that; the business might be first begun by his majesty's servants in Ireland; and if afterwards it should be necessary to enter into a treaty, commissioners might be sent from the British parliament, or from the crown, to enter upon it, and bring the negociation to a happy issue, by giving mutual satisfaction to both countries, and establishing a treaty which should be sanctified by the most solemn forms of the constitutions of both countries. He entertained no gloomy thoughts with respect to Ireland: he had not a doubt but she would be satisfied with the manner in which England was about to comply with her demands; and that in affection, as well as in interest, they would be but one people. If any man entertained gloomy ideas, he desired him to look at the concluding paragraph of the Irish addresses, where he would find, that the Irish people and parliament were filled with the most earnest desire to support England, to have the same enemy and the same friend; in a word, to stand or fall with England. He desired gentlemen to look forward to that happy period, when Ireland should experience the blessings that attend freedom of trade and constitution; when, by the richness and fertility of her soil, the industry of her manufacturers, and the increase of her population, she should become a powerful country: then might England look for powerful assistance in seamen to man her fleets, and soldiers to fight her battles. England renouncing all right to legislate for Ireland, the latter would most cordially support the former as a friend, whom she loved; if this country on the other hand, were to assume the power of making laws for Ireland, she must only make an enemy instead of a friend; for where there is not a community of interests, and a mutual regard for those interests, there the party, whose interests are sacrificed, becomes an enemy. The intestine divisions of Ireland were no more; the religious prejudices of former ages were forgotten, and the Roman Catholics being restored to the rights of men and citizens, would be-. come an accession of strength and wealth to the empire at large, instead of being a burthen to the land that bore them. The

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Dissenters had tasted of the liberality of the legislature, and now. in common with their Roman Catholic brethren would enjoy that happy toleration, which does not confer more happiness on those who are the objects of it, than it does honour to those who establish it.

Upon the whole he was convinced, that the Irish desired nothing more ardently than proper grounds for being most cordially united to England; and he was sure, that they would be attached to this country, even to bigotry. Of the volunteers, he must speak respectfully: they had acted with temper and moderation, notwithstanding their steadiness: and he must in justice to them, and to his own principles, declare, that they had not done a single act, for which they had not his veneration and respect; and whatever blame there might be discovered in the course of the business, he did not impute a particle of it to Ireland, but laid it all at the door of the late administration. He concluded by moving, "That it is the opinion of this committee, that the act "of the 6th of George I. entitled An Act for better securing the dependence of Ireland on the crown of Great Britain, ought to be repealed." He just observed, that this would be a pledge to the Irish of the sincerity of his majesty's ministers to deal fairly and openly with Ireland, through the whole of this important business. Mr. T. Pitt, and several other gentlemen who had before taken a part against Ireland, spoke in support of the motion: even Mr. Eden was forward in supporting it. The question was carried unanimously.

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Mr. Fox then moved for leave to bring in a bill for repealing the 6th of George I. and then, that an address should be presented to his majesty, praying, that he would be graciously pleased to take such steps as should tend to render the connexion between the two kingdoms solid and permanent. And lastly, that it was the opinion of the committee, that the interests of the two kingdoms were inseparable, and that their connexion ought to be founded on a solid and permanent basis; which motions and resolution were unanimously agreed to.

In the meanwhile, a correspondence between the members of the two countries was kept up. A letter was written on the 20th of May, 1782, by the Duke of Portland, to Mr. Fox, in answer to a despatch received from him. "I should be very glad to hear "that Lord Charlemont was inclined to accede to any part, or even to the idea of such a plan as you have communicated to me; I should think it a material step to that situation, in which "it is the clear interest of both kingdoms to be placed, being con"vinced, that what is most like union, is the most probable bond "of connexion to restore and perpetuate the harmony and pros"perity of the two countries." The Marquis of Rockingham

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wrote about the same time to the same effect. His letter is dated the 25th of May: "The essential points on the part of Ireland. "now acceded to, will, I trust, establish a perfect cordiality be"tween the two countries: and as there cannot now exist any (6 ground of contest or jealousy between them on matters of right, "the only object left for both will be, how finally to arrange, settle, "and adjust all matters, whereby the union of power, strength, and "mutual and reciprocal advantage will be best permanently fixed. "I observe, in Lord Shelburne's letter to your grace of the 18th "of May, he states more reluctance to the idea of commission"ers than I should judge to be the general opinion of his majes"ty's servants; the measure may be doubtful; but if approved "by the leading gentlemen of Ireland, might be productive of "much good."

On the 27th of May, 1782, the parliament of Ireland met according to adjournment, when his grace the Duke of Portland' made the following speech from the throne :*

MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN,

"It gives me the utmost satisfaction, that the first "time I have occasion to address you, I find myself enabled, by "the magnanimity of the king, and the wisdom of the parliament "of Great Britain, to assure you, that immediate attention has "been paid to your representations; and that the British legisla"ture have concurred in a resolution to remove the causes of your discontents and jealousies, and are united in a desire to "gratify every wish expressed in your late addresses to the "throne.

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"If any thing could add to the pleasure I feel in giving you "these assurances, it is, that I can accompany them with my "congratulations on the important and decisive victory gained "by the fleets of his majesty, over those of our common enemy " in the West Indies, and on the signal advantage obtained by "his majesty's arms in the island of Ceylon, and on the coast of "Coromandel.

"By the papers, which in obedience to his majesty's com"mands, I have directed to be laid before you, you will receive "the most convincing testimony of the cordial reception, which

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your representations have met with from the legislature of "Great Britain; but his majesty, whose first and most earnest "wish, is to exercise his royal prerogative in such a manner as

may be most conducive to the welfare of all his faithful sub"jects, has further given me in command, to assure you of his "gracious disposition to give his royal assent to acts to prevent "the suppression of bills in the privy council of this kingdom,

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"and the alteration of them any where; and to limit the duration "of the act for the better regulation and accommodation of his "majesty's forces in this kingdom to the term of two years.

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"These benevolent intentions of his majesty, and the willing"ness of his parliament of Great Britain to second his gracious purposes, are unaccompanied by any stipulation or condition "whatever. The good faith, the generosity, the honour of this "nation, afford them the surest pledge of a corresponding dispo"sition on your part to promote and perpetuate the harmony, "the stability, and the glory of the empire.

"On my own part I entertain not the least doubt, but that the 66 same spirit which urged you to share the freedom of Great "Britain, will confirm you in your determination to share her "fate also, standing and falling with the British nation."

After the speech was read, Mr. Grattan called the attention of the house to a subject of the highest importance, and then spoke as follows:*" I should desert every principle upon which I "moved the former address, (requiring a restoration of the rights "of Ireland) did I not bear testimony of the candid and unquali"fied manner in which that address has been answered by the lord "lieutenant's speech of this day. I understand that Great Britain gives up in toto every claim to authority over Ireland. I have not "the least idea, that in repealing the 6th of George I. Great Britain "should be bounden to make any declaration, that she had form"erly usurped a power. No, this would be a foolish caution; a dis"honourable condition. The nation that insists upon the humilia"tion of another, is a foolish nation. Ireland is not a foolish nation. "Another part of great magnanimity in the conduct of Britain is, "that every thing is given up unconditionally. This must for ever remove suspicion. On former occasions, when little acts of "relief were done for Ireland, it was premised, that it was expe"dient to do them; no such word is now made use of. Never “did a British minister support such honourable claims on such "constitutional arguments. With respect to the writ of error, "though not mentioned in our address, he took it up in the most "effectual way; and indeed the whole tenour of his conduct to"wards us has been most generous and sincere; we had one "advantage, he entertained an opinion, that Ireland was not in"satiable, though it had been asserted, that Ireland was insatia"ble. But we are bound to prove the falsehood of that asser❝tion; for as the nation was pledged to itself to obtain a restora"tion of her rights; so now that her rights are restored liberally ❝and unconditionally, she is pledged to Great Britain, who, by acceding to our claims, has put an end to all future questions.

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"We have now recovered a constitution, and our business is not "to advance, but to maintain it. Ireland will manifest as much "magnanimity in the moderation, by which she maintains her "constitution, as by the exertions, through which it has been "recovered. The unanimity with which the British House of "Commons acceded to our claims, must for ever do them honour; and the single negative in the Lords, whilst it in no wise "diminishes their praise, has its use; it serves to discover, and "for ever to exclude from trust or confidence in either nation, "the man, who could not only oppose the interest and happiness "of both, but also the ardent wishes and desires of his sovereign "to make his people happy. We ought not to forget the able "support given by those persons who composed the late admin"istration of Ireland; it must be highly agreeable to those who compose the present.

"The things so graciously offered by our sovereign, are, the " modification of Poynings' law; and not only the abridgment of "the mutiny bill, in point of duration, but the forming it on the "model of the English mutiny bill, and prefacing it with a de"claration of rights.

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"As Great Britain and her ministers have unconditionally agreed to the demands of the Trish, I think the spirit of the "nation is called upon to make an unconditional grant to Eng"land. The sea is the element to which nature points, as the "scene of British glory; it is there we can most effectually assist "her. Twenty thousand seamen would be a noble support; and (6 we, who have been squandering the public money in all the "waste of blind extravagance, cannot surely now deem 100,000/ too large a sum, when applied to the common defence of the empire: the sum is trifling, but the assistance of 20,000 Irishmen would be great; and gentlemen will now, when they retire "to their different counties, have a full opportunity in assisting 26 to raise those men, and of manifesting their zeal for the common (C cause of Great Britain and Ireland. There are also other means "of support in our power to give to Britain, though they cannot "immediately be entered upon. This country is most happily "situated for the construction of docks, and the rendezvous of "shipping; 'whatever expense might be incurred by such neces"sary works, would be repaid by the expenditure of the money 16 amongst ourselves, and might be supported by a prudent and "economical management of the public revenues, in the savings "of the army, and in every different class of extraordinaries. "An expense of 17. per cent. in the collection of the revenue, "cannot be justified; the commissioners will now see, that money "is to be paid for labour, not for prostitution; therefore let us now enter, heart and hand, into the great work of reformation,

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