approved of it, and considered the meeting of Dungannon as an original transaction. As such only it was matter of surprise. What more extraordinary transaction than the attainment of Magna Charta? It was not attained in parliament, but by the barons, armed, and in the field. A great original transaction is not founded in precedent, it contains in itself both reason and precedent; the revolution had no precedent.

In this country every man has his share in the government; and in order to act or speak, they must confer. Now, did not necessity compel them to act? Did not necessity compel them to speak? And will not their resolutions tend to restore the rights of their country? They resolve, "that a claim of any body "of men, other than the King, Lords and Commons of Ireland, to "make laws to bind this kingdom, is unconstitutional and a "grievance."

Is there any man who will deny it, for what were volunteer associations formed, but for the maintenance of the law? What is Poynings' law, and the unconstitutional power of the Irish or English privy council, but a grievance? What is a perpetual mutiny bill, but a grievance? Is there any man who will deny it, or say that we have not cause to complain of this execrated statute? And if you feel the injury, the people are ready to support you. They protest against an independent army; against a dependent legislature; against the abomination of a foreign legislature; against the assumed authority of council, they were more constitutional than more formal assemblies; they have protested only against what parliament ought to redress; and pray, sir, have not the constituents a right to inform their representatives? If England wishes well to Ireland, she has nothing to fear from her strength. The volunteers of Ireland would die in support of England. This nation is connected with England, not by allegiance only, but by liberty. The crown is one great point of union, but Magna Charta is a greater. We could get a king any where, but England is the only country from which we could get a constitution. We are not united with England, as Judge Blackstone has foolishly said, by conquest, but by charter. Ireland has British privileges, and is by them connected with Britain: both countries are united in liberty. This being the decided sense of the nation, the men who endeavoured to make our connexion with England quadrate with this sense, are friends to England. We are friends to England on perfect political equality. This house of parliament knows no superior; the men of Ireland acknowledge no superiors; they have claimed laws under the constitution, and the independence of parliament under every law of God and man. He then spoke upon the appellant jurisdiction of the House of Lords; and he thought that in order to eradicate every

cause of jealousy, the final judicature should reside in the peers

of Ireland.

He again returned to the mutiny bill and Poynings' law, which he condemned in the most forcible manner. He said, that he wished to become the decided friend of the Duke of Portland, for removing every cause of complaint from Ireland, and that these were the terms on which he was ready to support his govern

ment:

A repeal of the 6th of George I. including a restoration of the appellant jurisdiction to the lords of Ireland.

An abolition of the unconstitutional power of privy councils. And a repeal of the mutiny bill.

A judge's bill he refrained from mentioning, as he had heard it was returned.

"I cannot imagine (continued he) that the present ministers of England will oppose those rights of the Irish nation; they have been for many years advocates for the liberties of England and of the colonies; it was the great rule of their opposition, and it is impossible that men who are ready to grant independence to America, can oppose the independence of Ireland."

Mr. Grattan then moved, which was resolved Nem. Con.

"That an humble address should be presented to his majesty, "to return his majesty the thanks of that house for his most gracious message.

"To assure his majesty of their unshaken attachment to his "majesty's person and government, and of their lively sense of his paternal care, in thus taking the lead to administer content to "his subjects.

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66

"That thus encouraged by his royal interposition, they should beg leave, with all duty and affection, to lay before his majesty "the cause of their discontents and jealousies. To assure his "majesty, that his subjects of Ireland were a free people; that "the crown of Ireland was an imperial crown, inseparably an "nexed to the crown of Great Britain, on which connexion the "interests and happiness of both nations essentially depended: "but that the kingdom of Ireland was a distinct kingdom, with a parliament of her own, the sole legislature thereof; that there was no body of men competent to make laws to bind this "nation except the King, Lords and Commons of Ireland; nor "any other parliament, which had any authority or power, of ແ any sort whatsoever, in that country, save only the parliament "of Ireland. To assure his majesty, that they humbly conceived "that in that right the very essence of their liberties existed: a " right which, on the part of all the people of Ireland, they claim"ed as their birth-right, and which they could not yield up but "with their lives. To assure his majesty, that they had seen

"with concern certain claims advanced by the parliament of "Great Britain, in an act, entitled An Act for the better securing "the Dependency of Ireland; an act containing matter entirely "irreconcileable to the fundamental rights of that nation. That "they conceived that act, and the claims it advanced, to be "the great and principal cause of the discontents and jealousies "in that kingdom. To assure his majesty, that his majesty's "commons of Ireland did most sincerely wish, that all the bills "which became law in Ireland, should receive the approbation of "his majesty under the great seal of Great Britain; but that yet "they considered the practice of suppressing their bills in the "council of Ireland, or altering the same any where, to be ano"ther just cause of discontent and jealousy. To assure his ma"jesty, that an act, entitled An Act for the better Accommodation 66 of his Majesty's Forces, being unlimited in duration, and defect"ive in other instances, but passed in that shape from the parti"cular circumstances of the times, was another just cause of dis" content and jealousy in that kingdom. That they had submit"ted these the principle causes of the present discontent and jea"lousy of Ireland, and remain in humble expectation of redress. "That they had the greatest reliance on his majesty's wisdom, "the most sanguine expectations from his virtuous choice of a "chief governor, and great confidence in the wise, auspicious, "and constitutional councils, which they saw, with satisfaction, "his majesty had adopted. That they had, moreover, a high sense and veneration for the British character, and did there"fore conceive, that the proceedings of that country, founded as "they were in right, and tempered by duty, must have excited "the approbation and esteem, instead of wounding the pride of "the British nation. And they begged leave to assure his ma"jesty, that they were the more confirmed in this hope, inasmuch "as the people of that kingdom had never expressed a desire to "share the freedom of England, without declaring a determina"tion to share her fate likewise, standing and falling with the "British nation."

แ

Although the short space of six weeks had scarcely elapsed since the House of Commons had triumphantly boasted of their steady adherence to the dictates of the Castle in rejecting every effort of the patriots to attain that constitutional liberty which they had been labouring at for years; although no change had taken place during that short interval in the internal policy or situation of the country, unless the love and desire of liberty were increased by resistance; although the prevalence of example in the recognition and successful establishment of American independence had added to the enthusiasm for Irish freedom, the ductile and instantaneous versatility of that very majority in sup

porting the propositions which they had before rejected, is a political phænomenon, worthy of the most serious observation. All the ministerial members of independent fortune started up in rapid succession to purify their past conduct by disclaiming the influence of place or emolument: the chastest motives of patriotism had induced them hitherto to oppose that very system, on which by the magic of new appointments they now discovered the salvation of their country depended: they even professed, that they held and believed those constitutional questions which they had so steadily and uniformly opposed when they were repeatedly brought forward by the patriots. On the delivery of this message, and after Mr. Grattan's speech to the house, Mr. Fitzgibbon defied the house to charge him with ever having asserted the supremacy of the British parliament; though he confessed he had voted with ministers against the declaration of rights, as judging it then improper to be moved; and more especially as he knew Lord Carlisle was then labouring with his utmost interest and influence to procure the repeal of the 6th of Geo. I. This gentleman spoke the language of his friends, and boldly declared in the house,* that as the nation was then committed to obtain a restoration of their rights, it behoved every man to stand firm. A congratulatory address to the Duke of Portland was proposed by Mr. O'Neil, and unanimously voted; which had no sooner passed, than Mr. Fitzgibbon observed, that as the suddenness of Lord Carlisle's departure had rendered it impossible to convey to him the opinion entertained of his administration in the way of address, he should move a resolution of that tendency; t which was seconded by Mr. Daly.

* 1 Parl. Debates, p. 342.

† Lord Carlisle returned thanks to the speaker of the House of Commons in the following letter:

"SIR,

Dublin, 17th April, 1782.

"I have received your letter, communicating a vote of the House of Com"mons, acknowledging in terms highly flattering to me, the uniform and un"remitted attention with which I have endeavoured during my administration, "to promote the welfare of this kingdom: I request you to offer to that house, "where you so worthily preside, my most sincere thanks, for this mark of "national approbation. It is with cordial pleasure, that I shall ever reflect on "the fortunate combination of circumstances, if by them I have been enabled "to encourage the commercial interests of the kingdom, to promote the great "improvements of this metropolis, to give a new spring to the public credit, "to see the liberty of the subject secured by law, to add weight and dignity to "the administration of justice, conciliate to his majesty's government every "persuasion and description of men, and finally to mature the measures of unit"ing a loyal people in general harmony and happiness. Permit me to offer you my best thanks, for the very obliging expressions with which you have "accompanied this communication. I have the honour to be, &c.

46

"CARLISLE,"

Mr. O'Neil said, he was happy in paying his tribute to the late lord lieutenant: he had acted in his support, he admired his character, he approved his government.

Mr. Grattan could not agree to the motion, however Lord Carlisle might be respectable in character. Many of his measures he had disapproved and opposed; and as he could not support the motion without implying an approbation of the government, he felt himself bounden to resist it; as did Mr. Forbes and some other members.

Mr. Toler, Mr. John Beresford, the attorney general, Mr. Clements, the recorder, Mr. Gardiner, the provost, and most of the leading members of the late administration, spoke in the highest strain of panegyric upon Lord Carlisle's administration; and the resolution was carried without a division, there being about five noes.

The first division which took place in the commons under the administration of the Duke of Portland, was on the Roman Catholic bills, when there appeared 57 for and 11 against them.* On the 4th of May, 1782, the house adjourned for three weeks, in order to give time to the determination of the British ministry in respect to the claim made by the parliament of that kingdom for a declaration of rights. The length of adjournment was rather opposed by Mr. Martin, which brought on an interesting conversation, in which Mr. Fitzgibbon and Mr. Scott, the attorney general, spoke on the independent rights of Ireland with as much enthusiasm as the highest flying patriot under the late administration. They both pointedly reprobated the appellant jurisdiction to the House of Lords in Great Britain, and followed Mr. Grattan in calling upon their countrymen to renounce it for ever. It is but justice to those noble patriots, by whose persevering and undaunted efforts Ireland regained her rights, to hand down to posterity some of the avowals and honourable testimonials of those very persons who marshalled the ranks, who stimulated the spirit, who led on the charge of their opponents in the long unavailing struggle for liberty.

Mr. Fitzgibbon, referring to his former declaration," that as he had been cautious in committing his country, so now that it was committed, he would be firm in supporting its rights;" said, that as the right of making laws to bind Ireland lay in their King, Lords, and Commons, to the total exclusion of all foreign interference, it was idle to suppose that any appeal ought to lie from the law courts there: and the attorney general said, he was persuaded, that if after what had passed and been pressed by so many gentleman of consideration and distinction he should remain si

* 1 Parl. Deb. p. 35.