Some think that no severity is too great to be used against those who have spent their estates riotously, to the injury of their creditor; and indeed little is to be said in behalf of such persons. Yet still it is worth consideration, whether a man would choose to be judge and executioner in his own cause.

But the case which is now principally in view, stands clear of these exceptions. Those unfortunate persons with whom the jails are crowded, are for the most part such as have neither money nor friends to assist them; such as have fallen into poverty by misfortunes, by a decay of business, or perhaps by the numbers of a family which their utmost diligence could not support. Were they at liberty, they might be of use to themselves, to their poor families, and also to their creditors: this case enlarged on the report read. Concluding observations.

DISCOURSE X.

Preached before the House of Lords at Westminster Abbey, Jan. 30, 1733.

MARK, CHAP. III. VERSE 21.

If a kingdom be divided against itself, that kingdom cannot stand.

THOUGH the words of the text are read in the gospel, yet they have not their authority merely from thence; since an appeal lies to common sense and experience for the truth contained in them.

As observations of this kind depend on a great number of facts, so are there in the present case a great number to support it. We have examples of our own growth.

The late unhappy times of Charles the First were attended with this peculiar felicity, that no foreign nation was at leisure to take advantage of our divisions. But though there was no such enemy to ruin us, yet ruined we were. Such is the malignity of intestine

division !

When national quarrels grow extreme, and appear in arms, it is easy to foresee their sad consequences; and whoever looks back with partial or impartial eye on the years of distress under which this country labored in the late times, will see enough to convince him how fatal a thing it is for a kingdom to be divided against itself: it will be therefore of little use to enlarge on this part of the argument.

But there are other evils less discernible, which spring from the same bitter root, and naturally prepare a way for the greater mischiefs which follow.

National divisions are sometimes founded in material differences, sometimes owe their rise to accidents; but all divisions, how different soever in their commencement, grow in their progress to be much alike; and there are evil effects which may generally be ascribed to them all, as the fruit they naturally produce.

I. The zeal and warmth which attend public quarrels, are apt to get possession of men's minds and affections so far as to render them in great measure unable to form a right judgment of things and persons; and without this it is impossible for men to be of any service to their country; since a foundation for public good can never be laid in a wrong judgment of things and persons: this topic fully treated,

II. One great guard to virtue, and placed in the minds of men by the hand that formed them, is the sense of shame when we do ill; of the same kind, and a twin of the same birth, is the pleasure arising from the praise of having done well: but to make these natural passions of any service to us, they must be kept true to their proper objects, good and evil; and whenever the judgment is so corrupted as to lose sight of this difference, the love of praise and the fear of shame will become not merely useless, but mischievous and destructive; which must be the case when a false standard is set up. This applied to a nation or kingdom divided against itself.

III. When praise and reproaches are distributed with so little justice, it has another very ill effect in hardening men against reproach, even when they deserve it most: this point enlarged on.

IV. It is a farther aggravation of this evil, to consider that such infamous conduct seldom fails of being successful; for when the malignity of intestine division is far spread, it becomes a shelter for all iniquity party zeal usurps the place of Christian charity, and covers a multitude of sins: men then trust their hopes and fortunes to the merit of their zeal, and this seldom fails them; for,

V. As credit and reputation, the natural rewards of virtue, are perverted and misapplied by the blind spirit of division, so are the rewards which the public has provided and destined to the encouragement of true merit, diverted into a wrong channel: this point enlarged on.

These are the steps by which division corrupts the manners and morality of a nation. And what hopes are there of seeing a people grow great and considerable, who have lost the sense of virtue and of shame; who call evil good, and good evil; and who are prepared to sacrifice their true interest and that of their country to their own and their leaders' resentment?

These general observations might be justified by numberless instances, drawn from the late times; but to do justice to the subject and the solemn occasion of the day, it is necessary to take one step into their history, and to view the works of division in its utmost rage.

It is difficult to speak of any thing relating to the unhappy period which this day calls to mind, and truth can hardly be borne on either side; yet testimony must be given against the unnatural and

barbarous treason, and the acts of violence which prepared the way for it; a treason long since condemned by the public voice.

The subject illustrated by some examples, which the history of the late times affords, and which reach to the full extent of the text, that a kingdom divided against itself cannot stand.

To put a stop to innovations, correct abuses, and redress grievances by the known rules of Parliament, is the true and ancient method of preserving the constitution, and transmitting it safe to posterity; but when this wholesome physic came to be administered by the spirit of faction and division, it was so intemperately given, that the remedy inflamed the distemper, and the unhappy contest which began about the rights of the king and the liberties of the people ended in the destruction of both.

The contest about civil rights was rendered exceedingly hot and fierce, by having all the disputes and quarrels in religious matters, under which the nation had long suffered, incorporated with it: thus conscience was called in to animate and inflame the popular resentments: the effect was soon felt, for the church of England fell the first sacrifice.

The bishops of those days were generally inclined to save and support the crown; the consequence thence drawn was, that episcopacy itself was an usurpation; and the bishops were excluded, not only from the House of Parliament, but from their churches also.

But why mention this, when so much more fatal a blow was given to the liberties and constitution of England, by the House of Lords itself being declared useless, and the peerage excluded from a share in the legislature?

The nobility were not free from the infection of those times; and yet to their honor be it remembered, that the execrable fact of this day could not be carried into execution so long as the peerage of England had any influence in the government: when once they were removed, the crown and the head of him that wore it fell together.

It is said that very few persons comparatively were wicked and bold enough to dip their hands in royal blood. But then, how fatal to kingdoms is the spirit of faction and division, which could in the course of a few years throw all the powers of the kingdom into the hands of a few desperate men, and enable them to trample on the heads of princes, the honors of the nobility, and the liberties of the people!

Could these acts of violence, and the causes which produced them, be suffered to lie quiet in history, as so many beacons, we might be wiser and better for the calamities of our fathers; but if we permit their passions and resentments to descend on us; if we keep alive old quarrels by mutual invectives, what else are we doing but nursing up the embers of that fire which once consumed these kingdoms?

The application of what has been said is so natural and obvious, that were it pardonable to omit it on this occasion, it would not be mentioned.

There is no pleasure in viewing the follies and distractions of

former times; nor is there any advantage, unless it be that we may grow better and wiser by the examples which history sets before us. In the present case we have the experience, which cost the nation dear, to warn both rulers and subjects how carefully they should avoid all occasions of division. The true way to act is, for each side to maintain its own rights without encroaching on those of the other; for the constitution must suffer whenever the rights of the crown, or the liberties of the people, are invaded: this point enlarged on. Concluding observations.

DISCOURSE XI.

The nature and extent of charity.-Preached at St. Margaret's, Westminster, before the Trustees of the Infirmary in James Street, April 26, 1735.

LUKE, CHAP. X. VERSES 36, 37.

Which now of these three, thinkest thou, was neighbor unto him that fell among thieves? And he said, He that showed mercy on him. Then said Jesus unto him, Go, and do thou likewise.

THE case of the good Samaritan was not principally intended to show the necessity of works of mercy, &c.: these have their foundation in, and are recommended by, the law of nature; but to remove various pretences or prejudices was the direct object of our Lord in stating this case: and he was led to this by the inquirer, who admitted the love of our neighbor to be a fundamental duty, though he sought after limitations and restrictions on the practice of it: this point enlarged on. The parable itself is so well known, that it is sufficient to mention the mere circumstances of it.

Taking the direction of our Saviour, as it stands explained by these circumstances, it will lead us to the following considerations: I. The nature and extent of charity: II. the value of the excuses which men often make for the neglect of it: III. The excellency of that particular charity which has given occasion to this day's meeting. First; as was before observed, our Saviour's intention was not principally to show the necessity of charitable works, or to recommend one of them above the rest. In stating a case, however, it was necessary to instance some sort of charitable work; but the conclusion, Go and do thou likewise, is not confined to that kind of work only, but is intended to show us who are our neighbors in regard to works of mercy in every kind. The works of mercy are as various as its objects, and all who are miserable are objects of pity; nor can any reason be assigned for excluding such from our compassion, if we consider ourselves merely in the light of reasonable creatures: this topic enlarged on.

And as the case stands on the ground of reason and the natural sentiments of men, so likewise have the precepts of the gospel bound these duties on us in the same extent.

Honor and reverence are due to those who deserve them; but love is a debt due to all men, which can never be fully paid and exhausted. Therefore St. Paul commands that we render to every man his due, fear to whom fear, honor to whom honor is due: but when he speaks of love, he varies his style, and considers us in this respect as debtors to every man owe no man any thing but to love one another.

If we consider these laws as derived from the author of nature and of the gospel, we shall find that they proceeded from a love as universal as that which they enjoin; the general good of mankind being provided for in them: this point enlarged on.

The extent of this great duty of love and mercy having been considered, it will be easy, in the second place, to estimate by this measure the value of excuses often made for the neglect of it.

To speak without confusion, it is necessary to distinguish between love as merely a sentiment or habit of the mind, and as coupled with a power and ability to exert itself in external acts of mercy this subject considered.

:

Where men are able to practise acts of love and generosity towards others in distress, there is often an unwillingness, and always an excuse to attend it. From what has been said of the duty in general, it is evident that to confine our charity to relations, acquaintance, &c., is inconsistent with the great reasons on which the duty itself is founded, and is therefore a breach of duty which cannot be justified: indeed it is that very pretence which our Saviour intended to exclude and condemn in the parable. But what shall we say to the personal merit of those who are objects of charity? In the parable the person relieved was a stranger to his benefactor, known to him only by his misery and distress; here therefore personal character had no influence in the charity. And to follow such an example we are exhorted in other places of the gospel. But as no man's ability to do good in any way is unlimited, it is commendable surely to seek for the properest objects of charity; and in this consideration the virtue and innocence of the sufferer must be of great moment.

There would perhaps be little reason to be very nice and curious in the choice of objects, were it not for the many frauds daily practised on well-disposed persons, since begging has become a trade, &c.

Another great discouragement to charitably disposed persons, is the ill use which the poor often make of their benefactions: this point enlarged on.

How to advise charitable persons to steer clear of these inconveniences in their private benevolence, is difficult: perhaps it may be a good rule not to be too curious, or hard to be satisfied. But with respect to the great work of charity connected with the day, this stands free of all such difficulties. This shown; first, from the nature of the charity itself; secondly, from the method in which it is conducted. Concluding exhortation.