208 THE PEACE OF EUROPE AND THE BALANCE THESE two important considerations are just now suspended in a scale, which the slightest pressure may incline on either side. All eyes are turned towards the East, anxiously watching the solution of a question which Russia has wantonly raised, and France and England must determine. Pamphlets and prophecies are multiplied hourly, while many sanguine speculators indulge in fanciful theories. The improving nations of the world are little disposed to war, but the two leading powers of western Europe are equally disinclined to succumb to the dictates of undue ambition. We are sincere advocates for peace, but we should be sorry to see an opportunity lost for teaching tyranny a lesson, which may not present itself again under so many favourable contingencies. The time has long passed since the Turk was a bug-bear, and Christendom was called on to unite against his onward progress of blight and barbarism. From a devastator he has become a protector and promoter of liberal institutions. The many races under his sway are generally happy and contented, and have no desire to change masters. The barrier and bulwark of civilization must be established in another direction, and against a different enemy. "Within half a century, Europe will be either republican or Cossack." So said the Imperial exile at St. Helena. The former prediction appeared to be near its accomplishment in 1848 and 1849. Time, the rectifier, has dissipated the alarm. Let us hope that the second and more formidable danger will prove to be equally visionary. The Russian manifestoes and alleged grievances are flimsy sophistries, as transparent as were ever yet used by shallow diplomacy to insult common understanding. In reason and truth, they are on a par with the bulletins of Napoleon the First, in which he justified the invasion of unoffending states on the plea of self-defence. The Emperor Nicholas has marched his hordes into Moldavia and Wallachia, with every preparation this time, for permanent residence; he calls on the subjects of the Sultan to transfer their allegiance to him, which in utter helplessness they are compelled to do. Unhappy is the destiny of a small state, the geographical position of which is placed between two powerful ones, who are perpetually fighting, like the Kilkenny cats, of whom it is said that they swallowed each other, until nothing was left but the tail of the largest. This appears to be the agreeable predicament of modern Moldavia and Wallachia, who are told they are independent dependencies of Turkey, under the additional protection of Russia, with their rights and privileges guaranteed by a double army of occupation. They lie, nevertheless, as events have shown, completely at the mercy of the northern bear, whenever he feels inclined to growl, and elevates his huge paws, as a preliminary to a fraternal hug. They are almost as pleasantly situated, and life and property are nearly at as high a premium, and as safe an investment as they were in our own border lands under the old feudal times, when the Douglas and the Percy were disposed to exercise their rival chivalry, or a penniless chieftain found it necessary to replenish his larder or stock his establishment. If Russia robs Turkey, either avowedly or by implication, the Sultan looks to the Hospodar for an indemnity. If Turkey offends Russia, or discourages her trade, and commerce flags in the Black Sea, the Czar invites the Hospodar to square accounts, and make up the deficiency; and so his exchequer is exhausted together with his patience, and thus two of the most fertile countries in Europe have become little better than waste commons, or debatable lands to be devastated and plundered according to the caprice of their neighbours. A tax-collector is an unpopular official. We eye him with dislike, and grumble internally when he favours us with a morning call to gather in a moderate assessment. But how should we feel if these visitations came periodically in the shape of a pulk of Cossacks, innocent of conventional etiquette, and unused to the incumbrance of forms, who break into your house, instead of knocking at the door, screaming, like the daughter of the horseleech, “Give, give!" And this is done, according to Russian argument, not as an indication of war, but as a declaration of peace. The seeming paradox is better to read of than to illustrate practically; but while we sympathise with those who are obliged to endure its application, we are not sufficiently grateful for our own immunity. To be able to protect yourself is far preferable to being protected. The latter state is a sort of transitional existence, an intermediate purgatory or limbo, with no apparent escape. Rome was the giant protector of the ancient world, which Russia aspires to be in the nineteenth century. Rome, by degrees, absorbed and swallowed up her confiding allies, as Saturn devoured his own children. Russia studies the example with profit, and acts on the same undeviating principle. America is more straightforward and honest. Her word is annexation at once, without subterfuge or mystery. Russia, within the last seventy years, protected half the territories which are now amalgamated with her unwieldy empire. Her last protégée is Austria, a kindred despotism in the decrepitude of old age. She ardently desires to make the Sultan the next, but Turkey is rising in renovated vigour, and neither inclined to fall into the trap, to be terrified by menaces, nor cajoled by soft words. For the sake of the best interests of humanity in general, and for our own advantage in particular, we trust she may escape from this devouring maelstrom. Had Charles of Sweden won Pultava, the whole aspect of European politics would have changed, and the present crisis could never have arrived. It has risen progressively from the catastrophe of that decisive day, and unless the overwhelming current be now checked, and restrained within healthy limits, it will sweep on like an avalanche, until resistance becomes impossible. Even after the consequences of Pultava had fully developed themselves, and Poland had been erased from the list of nations, an opportunity arose which seemed to be created for the purpose. Then was committed by a profound statesman and mighty warrior, the greatest political error of modern times, always excepting Navarino, that most "untoward" of events. This was the non-establishment of the ancient kingdom of Sobieski, which Napoleon had often meditated, and should undoubtedly have carried out, with increased strength in 1812, instead of marching his hundreds of thousands through the deserts and steppes of Russia to the fallacious conquest of the capital. He alleged that his chief difficulty lay in the Austrian alliance, and from motives of delicacy he could not dismember the dominions of his father-in-law. In this objection he was scarcely sincere, as Austria could easily have been indemnified in some other quarter. A monarch, with all continental Europe at his feet, could patch, carve, and re-mould her sovereignties according to his pleasure. Yet he suffered the wily diplomacy of the Czar to outmanœuvre him by making peace with Turkey, at the most critical moment, and to entice Sweden, whom he had already offended and estranged, into the general coalition. He thus uncovered both his flanks, and violated the very rules, for the neglect of which he so severely censured Charles the Twelfth, in his subsequent strictures on a similar campaign. The restoration of Poland would have checked and humiliated the ambition of Russia, more permanently than the march to Moscow, even had the result of that gigantic operation been less fatal to the temporary victor. Civilized Europe would have obtained a great central outpost, strong in itself, and impassable through the sustaining powers by which it could be re-inforced on the approach of danger. Such a favourable crisis is not likely to occur again, and it would now be too late to reap the advantage, for the national spirit of a gallant people has been tamed by vassalage, and smothered under protection. "The Frontier Lands of the Christian and the Turk," are very little known, and have not often been subjects of inquiry. A particular interest attaches to them at this moment, and the appearance of a work on the subject was both opportune and desirable. Such a work has lately appeared, comprising travels undertaken in 1850 and 1851, by a competent authority, many years diplomatically employed in the East; who writes without prejudice or preconceived bias, is evidently well acquainted with his subject, reflects judiciously, draws sound conclusions, and enlivens his more instructive pages, by an engaging, vivacious style, and the introduction of appropriate anecdotes, and historical memoranda. We have rarely met with an equal amount of valuable information so "The frontier Lands of the Christian and the Turk; comprising Travels in the Regions of the Lower Danube, in 1850 and 1851." By a British Resident of Twenty Years in the East. In two volumes, 8vo. London, 1853. agreeably communicated. The general result of the author's impressions is conveyed in the short summary with which he concludes. "This is not the first time that I had obtained some insight into Turkish affairs, and the result of my previous observations having been far from favourable, no one could have undertaken the study of their actual state with a stronger presentiment that little good could be found on this occasion to record; but I cannot draw a fair and impartial comparison between the conduct of the three Emperors, the Kaiser, the Czar, and the Sultan, with regard to the Danubian provinces and the Sclavonian populations, without admitting that I found more to praise in that of the last than I had expected.” In the provinces of the Austrian Empire, foreigners are treated with neglect or insolence, and a petty system of espionnage, which pervades every department of an unpopular government, conscious of its own internal weakness. Every one appears afraid to speak on public matters or passing events, as if his nearest listener might be an official spy disguised to entrap him. As a specimen, the author, having been seen in conversation, at Carlovacz, in Croatia, with a suspicious-looking individual who accosted him casually, was forthwith summoned to the Town Hall, and rudely cross-examined by the police-authorities. They were seated, with their hats on their heads, and neither uncovered themselves nor offered him a chair. He had taken off his own hat on entering the room, with the usual urbanity of civilized manners, but finding how he was received, assumed it again with an emphatic gesture. The following conversation ensued: "Have you a passport?" asked one of them, without making the slightest attempt at civility. I handed him the document alluded to as being the best answer to his question. "Is this your name written here?' he continued.-'Yes.' "And where is your profession?'-' Nowhere.' “Why not?”—Because I have none.' The two worthies then whispered to each other for some time, occasionally casting an offensive glance at me, as I stood before them, and then resumed their examination of my passport, which, being in English, it was evident they could not read. 6 “What does this mean?' inquired one of them, looking up at last, and pointing to the term Esquire,' which was inscribed after my name.- - Esquire,' said I, is rendered in German by the word schildknapp, or écuyer when the French term is borrowed.' 666 464 To whom are you écuyer?'-' To no one.' Why is it in your passport in that case?'-'Because it is the practice in England to bestow that title on gentlemen who have no other.' Again they exchanged a few hurried sentences in an under tone. "Then you are a gentleman?' asked the elder of the two, with an ironical expression of countenance. I hope so,' I replied, Have you anything to say to the contrary?' "I have only to say there is something wrong in all this,' retorted the official.'" Whereupon the passport of the traveller was minutely inspected, and no irregularity being observable, the whole affair appeared so mysterious, and so fraught with danger to the state, that he was peremptorily ordered to quit Carlovacz on the following morning. Not long after in a steamer on the Kulpa, passing along the country called the Military Frontier, he met a Magyar officer, who spoke freely on the Hungarian cause and its future prospects. "He said that the oppressive sway of the foreign usurpers would evidently be overthrown, and that the hopes of his countrymen were centred on England, for she would at last be convinced that the Hungarians are deserving of active assistance. "What assistance can you expect from England?' I asked. "An intervention in our favour,' replied he. “And do you think that a foreign country can easily interfere between a legitimate sovereign and his subjects?' "You interfered between the Greeks and the Turks. Without the battle of Navarino (that unlucky Navarino is always and most justly thrown in our teeth), Greece would never have been free. Why should Hungary not inspire the same sympathy?' "You did inspire sympathy, and a strong feeling in your favour was very general in England, during your late struggle with Austria.' “ You would be very inconsistent if you were indifferent to our fate, and to our cause, and we only desire what you possess and glory in. Institutions similiar to those of England is all we ask, and, please God, we shall obtain them before we are much older.'" From this individual instance, a fair opinion may be formed of the aggregate wishes and expectations of Hungary, which, sooner or later, will be realized, and are perhaps nearer consummation than their masters imagine. They are not the only people who ardently desire the institutions of England, without exactly comprehending, or being fitted to adopt them. They have a general idea that they are improving, equitable, and enlightened, and lead to riches and happiness. There can be no doubt that the erection of a powerful independent kingdom in that part of Europe, would accord with the best interests of Great Britain, and advance the cause of humanity. But the same obstacles exist which oppose the regeneration of Italy, long groaning as deeply under the rod of the oppressor. The jealousies of different states, and the absence of one paramount feeling of combined nationality. Hungary, with Transylvania and Croatia, is nearly as extensive in square miles as Great Britain and Ireland, with a population of 15,000,000, divided into many races, who differ in manners and character, as in origin, and agree only in mutual dislike and mistrust. The Maygars are 5,000,000; the Sclavonians 6,000,000; the Germans, Jews, and Gipsies, upwards of 1,600,000; and the descendants of Trajan's Dacian colonies, now called Wallacks or Roumans, amounting to nearly 3,000,000 more. The most important class, the principal movers in the late insurrection, are thus described : "The Magyars are the nobles of Hungary, while the Sclavonians and Roumans are their yeomen. The former is one of the most vigorous races of Europe, and, except the nobility of Poland and that of Great Britain, it is the only aristocracy which has not merited and earned the contempt of their respective fellow-countrymen. If it still possesses some of the vices of the feudal age, it has also retained many of the virtues of that era of chivalry. The patriotism of the Magyars is heroic, and they abhor treachery and bad faith, while their turbulence and strong passions are capable of ultimately settling down to active energy and salutary vigour; and in the meantime these qualities render their spirit of nationality preeminently enthusiastic, and indomitably tenacious. Their political opinions are essentially liberal. In number, they surpass every other existing patrician order as their privileges were granted to each individual who killed a Turk in battle; a class of pauper nobles was |