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could have been expected from them by any reasonable person; for they found out, and framed, articles of High Treason against that noble Earl, in which articles, the rest of the nation have not been able yet to perceive that there was the least thing treasonable. Committee, however, got the House to agree with them; and the Impeachment was carried up to the Lords: by which that Earl suffered a long and painful imprisonment for what he never could be tried for. Another instance that I must mention, is that of the Secret Committee upon the affairs of the South Sea. That Committee saw the flame that was in these kingdoms, and to appease it prevailed with the House to consent to strip numbers of persons of all they were possessed of in the world, without suffering them either to defend their innocence, or mitigate their guilt! No. They were gloriously punished, untried, unheard. I could instance other examples, but surely the two I have already quoted are sufficient to animate minds,

so well disposed as ours, with a just sense of our duty, of what we owe to those who sent us hither. Pray consider that we are vested with the fullest powers, there's nothing we can't do ; and therefore our whole credit with the people is at stake, that we do a great deal. For does any person here imagine it will be a sufficient excuse to the people of England in general, or the good City of London in particular, to say the Earl of Orford escaped because he was innocent? No, gentlemen, do not flatter yourselves that such answers will satisfy. We have already persuaded them that he is guilty, and consequently they look upon it as our duty to find him so; and this, I hope, will prove no difficult task, considering the helps we have to effect it. Is there a person in these kingdoms (King and Lords not excepted), that we cannot bring before us. We are masters of every cabinet and escrutoir in this nation, and we can call for the most secret papers in England. Consider too, that at our tribunal every person may give vent

to his spleen, satiate his revenge, and gratify his resentment against the late minister. We will with patience hear the evidence these patriots shall give; but I will say no more upon evidence, for it would be impertinent in me to do it, whilst there is a person sitting with us in this assembly, who understands the nature of evidence before Secret Committees better than any man alive; and I cannot help here doing him that justice, which all the world does, of owning, that he once appeared as an evidence as much to his own advantage as ever man did. As to our method of proceeding, this being the first time I ever sat in such a chair, I cannot well direct you. However, I will begin by asking if any among ourselves know any thing against Robert, Earl of Orford?—whoever does I hope he will speak. I am sure, if I did, it would be the joy of my heart and pride of my life to declare it. Since nobody makes me any answer, I shall propose another thing, which is, that we should, without loss of time, order our

secretary to advertise for information in all the public papers. I have prepared an advertisement, which I hope will meet with your approbation.

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TO ALL TRUE LOVERS OF THEIR COUNTRY.

"If any person or persons have any pique, spleen, resentment, malice, hatred, or revenge,

against the right honourable Robert, Earl of "Orford, or do imagine or believe that, within "the space of these ten years last past, the said “Earl hath injured and oppressed them by not

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complying with their just hopes and demands, "and rewarding their undoubted merits; and if

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they by themselves, or the company they keep, "know any thing against him, let them repair to "the Secret Committee, where they may depend

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upon receiving civil usage, a greedy and patient

hearing; and all other the best encouragement."

This, gentlemen, is what I have drawn

what I shall submit to the Committee.

up,

and

There

is another thing, that had liked to have slipt out

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of my memory, which is, that we want one power more; the power of rewarding. This would certainly make evidence come in faster and stronger. I hope, therefore, you will soon order me to move the House, that we may, for the better encouragement of informers, have power to order the Lords Commissioners of the Treasury to issue, from time to time, such sums to evidence as we may think they deserve. I find some gentlemen start at this proposal. I do not know how it may be in England; but in my country there is nothing more common than paying evidence, and we find it the most effectual way of doing business. There is another want we labour under, the assistance of a gentleman who did not succeed in the ballot-I mean, though last not least in love, the good Frebonius :* the intimacy he once had with the Earl of Orford, and the entire affection he now bears his country, must have been of the greatest

* Mr. Doddington.

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