The Debates and Proceedings in the Congress of the United States

SENATE.

The Embargo.

NOVEMBER, 1808.

"It has been said that, by embarking in the colony trade of either of the belligerents, neutral nations, in some sort, interpose in the war, since they assist and serve the belligerent, in whose trade they so embark. It is a sufficient answer to this observation, that the same course of reasoning would prove that neutrals ought to discontinue all trade whatsoever with the partrade assists and serves the belligerent with whom it is ties at war. A continuance of their accustomed peace continued; and if this effect were sufficient to make a trade unneutral and illegal, the best established and

Britain can be supplied with cotton from the East Indies and other countries. I will ask the gentleman if Great Britain can procure this article from the East Indies and other countries in sufficient quantity, and on as good terms as from the United States? If she cannot, which I suppose to be the case, she must feel our embargo in her manufactures-one of the vital sources of her strength and prosperity. We are told that a non-importation act would have no effect, because it could not be enforced; smuggling would be most useful traffic would, of course, become so. But carried on to a very great extent. That a non- Great Britain supplies us with another answer to this importation act would, like all other laws, be par- notion, that our interference in the trade of the colotially violated, was to be expected. Every law nies of her enemies is unlawful, because they are benis violated, but with due vigilance such a meas-efited by it. It is known that the same trade is, and ure could be enforced to a very great extent. This measure would not be efficient, says the gentleman, because Great Britain will find a market for her manufactures in New Spain and South America. I will ask the gentlemen, whether South America has not been supplied heretofore with British manufactures to a considerable extent, and does the gentleman seriously believe that she would find a market in that country for the immense quantity of her manufactures hitherto consumed in the United States?

long has been, carried on by British subjects, and your memorialists feel themselves bound to state that, according to authentic information lately received, the Gorernment of Great Britain does, at this moment, grant licenses to neutral vessels, taking in a proportion of their cargoes there, to proceed on trading voyages to the colonies of Spain, from which she would exclude us, upon the condition, that the return cargoes shall be carried to Great Britain to swell the gains of her merchants, and to give her a monopoly of the commerce of the world. This great belligerent right, then, upon which so much has been supposed to depend, hostile instrument, wielded by a warlike State, by which her enemies are to be wounded, or their colonies subdued, but as the selfish means of commercial aggrandizement, to the impoverishment and ruin of her friends; as an engine by which Great Britain is to be lifted up to a vast height of prosperity, and the trade of neutrals crippled, and crushed, and destroyed."

sinks into an article of barter. It is used, not as a

According to the course of reasoning adopted by the gentleman from Connecticut, the object of Great Britain in blockading the Continent is not to starve it; it must therefore be to secure to herwith the Continental Powers. In such a state of self the benefit of all the commerce carried on

Although the gentleman has not, in his resolution to repeal the embargo, proposed a substitute, he intimated in his argument that we ought to arm our commerce against all nations. I am not prepared to say that I will adhere to this embargo system if a better can be devised; but before I embrace a substitute, I must be informed how it is to operate; the gentleman must therefore excuse me for propounding a few questions to him in relation to this measure. I wish to be informed, would not such a measure be war with France and Great Britain, or should we not by such a measure put it in the power of the commercial interest to embroil us with which nation they pleased? Is it probable that our merchants would run the risk of fighting their way to the Conti-things, while those who were trading under the neut of Europe, with loaded vessels, in defiance of icenses of foreign Governments were making the British navy? Is it not more probable that their fortunes, the honest Americans, who would Great Britain would have agents in this country not consent to degrade their country by navigato sell licenses to our merchants to trade to the ting the ocean under the protection of any GovContinent, and would not our merchants for their ernment but their own, would be plundered by own security secretly purchase and trade under both belligerents. If we are to consider the belthose licenses? If the object of Great Britain igerent nations as pirates, no longer bound by be a commercial monopoly, and we remove our those principles of public law to which civilized embargo, would it not be in the power of the nations have hitherto subscribed, and are preBritish merchants, by a secret understanding pared to purchase our rights on the seas, let us with, and the connivance of their Government, and thereby place our citizens on equal ground. do it as a nation, by paying them a sum in gross, by agents and secret partners in the United States, We are told that we can carry on a considerable to carry on the very trade to the Continent which Great Britain interdicts to us? I have been led commerce with countries not within the scope of to make these inquiries by reading the memorial the decrees or orders of the belligerents. This of the merchants of Baltimore, presented to the argument is specious and captivating, let us exGovernment in 1806, respecting neutral trade, amine it, for I feel as much solicitude as the genand which was signed by men of all parties, intlemen in the opposition to remove this embargo which it was positively charged that the object of Great Britain in harassing our trade, was to cripple American commerce and promote her own, and that she granted licenses to neutrals to carry on the trade which she interdicted. I will

read it:

whenever it can be done with propriety; on this, as well as on the subject of an armed commerce, the gentleman will pardon me for requesting information. If we remove our embargo as to Portugal and other places to which our trade is not interdicted, and by a law declare that our cit

The gentleman from Connecticut has informed us that the object of the Administration, in adopting the present system, is to put down commerce and promote manufactures.

SENATE.

our brethren of other States in defence of our national rights and independence.

izens shall trade only to those countries permitted by the belligerents, would not that be submission to their orders and decrees; and if we open our It appears to me, sir, that the commercial peoports, and restrict our commerce to those coun- ple ought to be the last to complaiu. Our Govtries, could we ever afterwards hope for a relaxa-ernment has imposed discriminating tonnage dution of the British Orders of Council? Would ties, to give our own vessels an advantage in our not Great Britain have every inducement to per- own ports over foreigners. We have remitted petuate such a state of things, which would af the duties on foreign articles imported into the ford to her the benefits of our commerce without United States, intended for exportation. Our its inconveniences? Government has evinced every disposition to foster commerce and maintain our maritime rights. We are told that the people are opposed to this measure. To the voice of a free people I shall always bow with reverence. But, sir, it If the Administration has any concealed mo- ought to be remembered that in this country the tive for this measure, I am a stranger to it. It will of the majority must prevail; it is a fundais well known that it has been a favorite object mental principle of our Government, and if we with the present Administration to pay the pub-are to judge from recent events, a great majority lic debt, and it would be strange indeed that it of the nation are in favor of this measure. We should pursue a system which cuts off our only are informed, and it has been intimated on this source of revenue. This conjecture of the gen- floor, that rebellion in the Eastern Staies will be tleman is too improbable to require a serious ref- the probable consequence of perseverance in this utation. On the policy of promoting manufac- measure. Are we to be driven from the course tures I shall make but a few remarks, as it will dictated by the public interest by alarms of this hereafter be a subject of distinct consideration. I sort? Are we to be told by a minority that we have supposed that it would be sound policy in must recede from the ground we have taken; that this Government to diminish, in some degree, the we must admit the Government has not sufficient inducements now held out to our citizens to em- energy to enforce its authority, or that they will bark in foreign commerce, and induce them to rebel? Will gentlemen inform us who they are invest their money in the interior; the increase that are prepared to erect the standard of rebelof manufactures would lessen our dependence on lion against their own Government on the very foreign nations, and render us more dependent on graves of the brave Bostonians who first raised each other. There would be more intercourse the standard of American independence? They between the people of the different States, which must be some new people who have obtruded would tend to nationalize us, and give more themselves upon our shores; they cannot be Amerstrength and permanency to the American Union. icans; I will not think so unworthily of my To what extent this policy should be carried, I countrymen. I believe the American people are am not now prepared to say. A distinction has generally attached to their Government; I trust been taken between native and foreign commerce, it is but the clamor of the moment, which will or what is more commonly called the carrying cease the moment the will of the Government trade. The policy of encouraging our citizens shall be decisively and constitutionally expressed. to participate in the carrying trade is one thing. It has been frequently said that Great Britain is our maritime rights is another. The gentlemen fighting for the liberties of the world; that she in the opposition complain that this measure bears is the only barrier between France and universal peculiarly hard on the commercial States. On dominion, and therefore that our weight ought to the subject of commerce, as all others of national be thrown into the scale of England, to assist concern, I am disposed to consider the United her in this mighty conflict. If our friendship is States as an integer, and to forget the lines of par- necessary to England, ought she not to entitle tition by which we are separated into different herself to it, at least to do us justice and respect States and districts, for the purpose of internal our rights? Shall we submit to insults and indiggovernment; but as the gentleman have con- nities from Great Britain to induce her to save trasted the commercial with the agricultural us from subjugation by France? Shall we adStates, I am willing to meet them. I had thought mit for a moment that we cannot maintain our that this measure, if its pressure was greater independence? The gentlemen in the opposiupon one part of the country than another, oper- tion have protested against submission; they have ated more severely upon the growers of cotton not declared themselves for war; if they are for than any other part of the nation, and they ought, it, I hope they will avow it; they have proposed if influenced by pecuniary considerations, to be no substitute. I am not prepared to say how the first to complain. The people I represent are long good policy will justify a continuance of the an agricultural people, and I ask the gentleman present system; but, sir, I am ready to declare of what importance it is to them whether their that I will adhere to it until a better can be subproduce is carried in foreign or American ves-stituted. If it be true, as the gentleman from sels? For what are the agricultural people now suffering, but to maintain our maritime rights. Sir, we are willing to discard all calculations of profit or loss, and make a common cause with

Connecticut has informed us, that the most efficient means of coercing Great Britain, is to affect her interest, and if it be true that our embargo will compel the West India planters to con

SENATE.

The Embargo.

NOVEMBER, 1808.

vert their sugar plantations into cornfields for belligerent Powers of Europe to our feet. In the subsistence; if it will produce a scarcity of cot-prophetic language of the President, it was to ton in Great Britain, or enhance the price; if by "keep in safety our merchandise, our vessels, and a non-importation act we can deprive her of a our seamen, those essential resources ;" and we market for a large portion of her manufactures, were told, on all sides, by the numerous advocates the present system, with the addition of a non- of the measure, that it would speedily bring the importation act, if firmly adhered to, and well French and British Governments to a sense of executed, may have the desired effect. When I justice. But has it, or is it likely to accomplish cast my eyes over these States, and observe the any of these desirable objects? I grant you, it freedom and happiness they enjoy, I feel con- has kept our merchandise in safety, if by that was strained to pause, before I consent to take a step intended to lock up in our barns and storehouses which will involve them in the calamities of all the produce of our country to rot upon our war. When I consider the peculiar character of hands. And as to our dismantled, ark-roofed vesthe contest between the two great belligerents of sels, they are indeed decaying in safety at our Europe, I feel very unwilling to be drawn into wharves; presenting daily to the merchant a melthe vortex, lest the fate of this happy nation may ancholy memento of his present or approaching become too closely connected with the destiny of ruin, and forming a suitable monument to the one or the other of these contending Powers. At memory of our departed commerce. But, where the same time that I consider it my duty to make are your seamen ? Gone, sir; driven into foreign war the last alternative, I know the American exile in search of subsistence. The very measpeople would prefer to meet it, rather than sub-ure that was to preserve them to their country mit to a sacrifice of their national independence. has banished them from it, and many of them The conduct of the belligerents, and the state of forever. Even the vigilance and terrors of our our country, furnish strong reasons for believing gunboat navy have not been sufficient to confine that the period is not distant, when this alterna- and starve them in our ports. But, sir, the most tive must be accepted, if the present system should mortifying disappointment we have to sustain, is prove inefficient. I hope I have not, in the warmth the total indifference with which this boasted of debate, violated that decorum which the dig-measure of our Administration has been treated nity of the Senate requires to be observed. I certainly have not intended it. I shall conclude with requesting gentlemen to reflect, that in this hour of difficulty and danger unanimity constitutes the basis of our national security.

by both the belligerents. Instead of coercing them to do us justice, we now know officially that it is neither felt nor thought of in France; and the British, so far from offering us terms on the subject, will not even ask us to take it off. Here, I will beg leave to read a short passage from Mr. Canning's letter to Mr. Pinkney, of the 23d of September last, showing most distinctly the sense and determination of the British Government on this subject:

of impartial hostility against both belligerents, the embargo appears to His Majesty to have been manifestly unjust, as, according to every principle of justice, that redress ought to have been first sought from the party originating the wrong; and His Majesty cannot consent to buy off that hostility which America ought not to have extended to him, at the expense of a concession made, not to America, but to France.

Mr. WHITE. I have listened with great pleas ure to the gentleman from Kentucky, (Mr. POPE.) who has just sat down; but, although entertained with his eloquence, have not been convinced by his arguments. I shall not follow him through the New England memorials, nor discuss with His Majesty (says Mr. Canning) sees nothing in him the policy of a non-intercourse law, as that the embargo laid on by the President of the United is not the question before the Senate; neither States of America, which varies this original and simshall I join issue with him as to the apparent ex-ple state of the question. If considered as a measure pediency of laying an embargo at the last session of Congress; but I will endeavor to show that the operation of this measure upon the country, has been such as now calls most imperiously upon this body to pass the resolution before us. The importance of this subject is admitted on all sides, and the anxiety known to exist throughout every section, and almost in every individual of the community, in relation to the decision now about to be had upon it, is the fullest evidence of the deep and unusual degree of interest universally felt throughout the country, and attaches to the vote we are to give the highest responsibility. Such a responsibility I am not willing to meet without assigning some of the reasons that influence my opinion. And this I shall do the more cheerfully, as I know they will be in conformity with the sentiments of a vast portion of those I have the honor to represent. The embargo, when laid, was admitted to be a mere experiment, but one which we were admonished not to resist, as it was to do great things for the United States. It was, in a few months, to reduce the West Indies to a state of starvation, and to bring the two great

If, as it has been more generally represented by the Government of the United States, the embargo is only to be considered as an innocent, municipal regulation, which affects none but the United States themselves, and with which no foreign State has any concern; viewed in this light, His Majesty does not conceive that he has the right, or the pretension, to make any complaint of it, and he has made none. But in this light there appears not only no reciprocity, but no assignable relation between the repeal by the United States of a measure of voluntary self-restriction, and the surrender by His Majesty of his right of retaliation against his enemies."

Here the embargo, as a measure of coercion or retaliation on our part, is officially treated by the British Minister even with ridicule; he tauntingly admits, indeed, what is unfortunately too

NOVEMBER, 1808.

The Embargo.

SENATE.

true, that it is a regulation which affects none but ed of the impolicy of this measure, and would the United States themselves, and tells us that willingly get rid of it, if they could do so, conHis Majesty neither does nor means to complain sistently with the character of infallibility they of it. And although the gentleman from Ken- wish to preserve in the public opinion. I deduce tucky informs us, he has not met with, yet I have this conclusion from the offer they say they have seen a recent report made by a French Minister recently made to the British Government to take to the Emperor, in which the embargo is approved off the embargo as to them, and to continue it as of and applauded as, what it really is, a measure to France, provided they would rescind their Orfavorable to them, and an act of great self-denial ders of Council. An offer, which, if indeed made on our part. Under all these circumstances, and unencumbered with other terms, is a complete every gentleman here knows the facts I state to acknowledgment of a conviction of error on the be correct, why, in the name of Heaven, continue part of the Administration; because, after they it? What beneficial end can it produce? The had subjected the country to all the deprivations, country is, at this moment, bleeding at every pore and ruinous effects of the embargo for more than under it, without the remotest prospect or proba-six months, it was coming to the precise ground bility of ultimately deriving the least possible we were requested to take in relation to France, advantage or security from the measure. And by the British Government, a year before the emas it is not among the least discouraging of the bargo was laid, in the famous note of Lords Holcircumstances belonging to the present state of land and Auckland to Messrs. Monroe and Pinkthings, that we are able to make no calculation as ney, accompanying the British Treaty formed by to the probable time when we shall see the end of those gentlemen. All they then asked of us was, the evil; for, upon the same principle that the that we should "not acquiesce in the palpable embargo is continued now, it may be continued violation of our rights directed by the Berlin defor twenty or for forty years, or at least during cree if attempted to be enforced ;" and surely they the war between the two great contending Pow- could not have contemplated more than that, if ers of Europe, which, I presume, no gentleman France did attempt to enforce that decree; we here expects will be at an end in the life of the would interdict all intercourse with her, and conpresent Emperor of France, and as long as an tinue our commerce with Great Britain; which Englishman exists with the means and courage would be the very effect of the stipulation recentto defend the independence of his country. ly proposed. This proposition from the British I am willing to believe, and do believe, what Government, however, in December, 1806, was the honorable gentleman from Kentucky has just spurned with disdain ; and now, after the country now in substance declared, that the gentlemen is half ruined with the experiment of a perpetual who supported the embargo laws at the last ses- embargo, such as I believe was never before prac sion upon this floor, supposed they would be tised upon any people, we condescend to beg those speedily productive of great and beneficial results very terms, and they refuse to grant them. Sir, upon our foreign relations; that they would bring the truth is, the Administration must now be conthe two great belligerents, and especially England, vinced that the embargo is injuring no one but to just and reasonable terms; and that there ourselves, and us it must eventually ruin if perwould be no occasion for continuing them longer sisted in. I regret, too, this proposition was made, than till they should be known on the other side because it has furnished to Mr. Canning an opof the Atlantic. But in all this they now see portunity of offering a most sarcastic insult to the and know their mistake; they now know, from the Government of this country. He tells Mr. Pinkmost authentic sources, that these laws have pro-ney in reply to it, that "His Majesty would not duced no alteration in the conduct of either France or England in relation to us; that, in fact. they are applauded by the one, and treated with contempt and derision by the other, while we are ourselves the suffering and bleeding victims of the rack upon which we vainly expected to torture them.

hesitate to contribute in any manner in his power to restore to the commerce of the United States its wonted activity; and if it were possible to make any sacrifice for the repeal of the embargo, without appearing to deprecate it as a measure of hostility, he would gladly have fa'cilitated its removal as a measure of inconvenient restriction upon the American people." His Majesty would not hesitate to contribute in any manner in his power to restore to the commerce of the United States its wonted activity, and if it were possible, without any sacrifice, for the repeal of the embargo, would gladly facilitate its removal as a measure of inconvenient restriction upon the American people." I have no faith, Mr. President, in the sincerity of this profession; but I feel most sensibly the severity of the sarcasm, as applied to a measure of our Administration that we were confidently told was to bring England

It is the fate of humanity to err; the wisest and the best of men are liable to it. And all we ask of these honorable gentlemen now, is to come out openly and acknowledge, in the face of the nation, the egregious mistake into which they fell, and unite with us in redressing the injuries and healing the wounds they have so unnecessarily inflicted upon their devoted country. I make this appeal to them with the more confidence, because I know every gentleman here has too much character and patriotism to be influenced by the pride of opinion to consistency in political error. I will submit to you, Mr. President, whether we have not before us sufficient evidence to show that I will now, sir, with the indulgence of the Senthe Administration themselves are now convinc-ate, endeavor to examine, as concisely and as cor

to our own terms.

SENATE.

The Embargo.

NOVEMBER, 1808.

vert their sugar plantations into cornfields for belligerent Powers of Europe to our feet. In the subsistence; if it will produce a scarcity of cot-prophetic language of the President, it was to ton in Great Britain, or enhance the price; if by "keep in safety our merchandise, our vessels, and a non-importation act we can deprive her of a our seamen, those essential resources ;" and we market for a large portion of her manufactures, were told, on all sides, by the numerous advocates the present system, with the addition of a non- of the measure, that it would speedily bring the importation act, if firmaly adhered to, and well French and British Governments to a sense of executed, may have the desired effect. When I justice. But has it, or is it likely to accomplish cast my eyes over these States, and observe the any of these desirable objects? I grant you, it freedom and happiness they enjoy, I feel con- has kept our merchandise in safety, if by that was strained to pause, before I consent to take a step intended to lock up in our barns and storehouses which will involve them in the calamities of all the produce of our country to rot upon our war. When I consider the peculiar character of hands. And as to our dismantled, ark-roofed vesthe contest between the two great belligerents of sels, they are indeed decaying in safety at our Europe, I feel very unwilling to be drawn into wharves; presenting daily to the merchant a melthe vortex, lest the fate of this happy nation may ancholy memento of his present or approaching become too closely connected with the destiny of ruin, and forming a suitable monument to the one or the other of these contending Powers. At memory of our departed commerce. But, where the same time that I consider it my duty to make are your seamen ? Gone, sir; driven into foreign war the last alternative, I know the American exile in search of subsistence. The very measpeople would prefer to meet it, rather than sub-ure that was to preserve them to their country mit to a sacrifice of their national independence. The conduct of the belligerents, and the state of our country, furnish strong reasons for believing that the period is not distant, when this alternative must be accepted, if the present system should prove inefficient. I hope I have not, in the warmth of debate, violated that decorum which the dignity of the Senate requires to be observed. I certainly have not intended it. I shall conclude with requesting gentlemen to reflect, that in this hour of difficulty and danger unanimity constitutes the basis of our national security.

has banished them from it, and many of them forever. Even the vigilance and terrors of our gunboat navy have not been sufficient to confine and starve them in our ports. But, sir, the most mortifying disappointment we have to sustain, is the total indifference with which this boasted measure of our Administration has been treated by both the belligerents. Instead of coercing them to do us justice, we now know officially that it is neither felt nor thought of in France; and the British, so far from offering us terms on the subject, will not even ask us to take it off. Here, I will beg leave to read a short passage from Mr. Canning's letter to Mr. Pinkney, of the 23d of September last, showing most distinctly the sense and determination of the British Government on this subject:

Mr. WHITE. I have listened with great pleas ure to the gentleman from Kentucky, (Mr. POPE) who has just sat down; but, although entertained with his eloquence, have not been convinced by his arguments. I shall not follow him through the New England memorials, nor discuss with His Majesty (says Mr. Canning) sees nothing in him the policy of a non-intercourse law, as that the embargo laid on by the President of the United is not the question before the Senate; neither States of America, which varies this original and simshall I join issue with him as to the apparent ex-ple state of the question. If considered as a measure pediency of laying an embargo at the last session of Congress; but I will endeavor to show that the operation of this measure upon the country, has been such as now calls most imperiously upon this body to pass the resolution before us. The importance of this subject is admitted on all sides, and the anxiety known to exist throughout every section, and almost in every individual of the community, in relation to the decision now about to be had upon it, is the fullest evidence of the deep and unusual degree of interest universally felt throughout the country, and attaches to the vote we are to give the highest responsibility. Such a responsibility I am not willing to meet without assigning some of the reasons that influence my opinion. And this I shall do the more cheerfully, as I know they will be in conformity with the sentiments of a vast portion of those I have the honor to represent. The embargo, when laid, was admitted to be a mere experiment, but one which we were admonished not to resist, as it was to do great things for the United States. It was, in a few months, to reduce the West Indies to a state of starvation, and to bring the two great

If, as it has been more generally represented by the Government of the United States, the embargo ulation, which affects none but the United States themis only to be considered as an innocent, municipal regselves, and with which no foreign State has any concern; viewed in this light, His Majesty does not conceive that he has the right, or the pretension, to make any complaint of it, and he has made none. But in this light there appears not only no reciprocity, but no assignable relation between the repeal by the United States of a measure of voluntary self-restriction, and the surrender by His Majesty of his right of retaliation against his enemies."

Here the embargo, as a measure of coercion or retaliation on our part, is officially treated by the British Minister even with ridicule; he tauntingly admits, indeed, what is unfortunately too

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