NOVEMBER, 1808.

The Embargo.

SENATE.

Trade emphatically say, what trade we shall, and villages; and the content and happiness that what trade we shall not pursue. Nay, in England, beams on every human countenance; but does I have little doubt, that many people will consider this arise from its external commerce? No, sir, it as excessive impudence in us to complain, when we must give to Connecticut a higher rank; she put upon a footing with their own colonies. They is agricultural, and will also be a great manufacforgot that we are independent-I trust, Mr. Pre- turing State; her citizens who annually emigrate, sident, that we shall not also forget it. But let us to swell the numbers of other States, will be inindulge the gentleman, and add our exports to duced to remain at home, and, by their labor and Spain and Portugal-to what amount are they? ingenuity, extend and promote the manufactures To Spain, Teneriffe, and the Floridas, we export of their native State. Her port of export is proannually $1,381,327; to Portugal; $829,313, mak- bably New York; with what State, as a commering, together with the $4,136,783, already stated,cial State, shall I compare her? not with Georthe sum of $6,347,323, being, as stated in a lumi- gia, for that State, though with only half her popnous report of a committee of the House of Rep-ulation, exports more than double the amount of resentatives, less than $7,000,000, free of danger from the decrees of France and the orders of Great Britain. So that the gentleman's four-fifths appear, by public documents, (which cannot be controverted,) to be reduced to an amount little more than one-eighth of the native exports of the Union; the total amount being $48,699.592. Shall we, for this pittance, relinquish our independent rights as a nation?

Connecticut. With South Carolina? No, sir, that State spares of her products, to swell the exports of Baltimore, Philadelphia, New York, and Boston, an amount equal to the whole of the exports of the native products of Connecticut. With Maryland? No, sir, with a population very little greater, Maryland exports to near three times her amount. With what part of the Union shall I then compare her commerce? It assimilates nearly to that of the District of Columbia, its export being $1,363,352, when that of Connecticut is $1,519,083.

The trade to China gives an export of only $84,000 per annum. It employs an exportation of dollars to near $4,000,000. Nankeens is the object in return of principal value, an export whereof Massachusetts-yes, sir, Massachusetts-is really to Europe we are now cut off from. If this trade commercial, but not more so in proportion to numshould be pursued, under this oppression, I will bers than many other States; nay, not equal to venture, without the spirit of prophecy, to believe some. For instance, South Carolina with half that every dollar in the United States will be her number exports $7,129,365, when Massachu-· shipped therefrom. The law prohibiting the in-setts exports of native products only $6,185,748. portation of slaves has completely destroyed the trade to Africa, so that the item to that country can no longer be counted.

New York, whose population is the same with Massachusetts, exports $9,957,416-being half as much more as that exported by Massachusetts. We are told that the sufferings of the commer- Maryland exports $4,016.699-being in full procial States are insupportable, and, from the dis-portion to the exports of that State. Nay, sir, New cussion in the Senate, it would appear as gene-York alone exports more than all the New Engrally admitted that the four New England States land States together, their whole native exports are the only commercial-comparisons are gene-being only $8.812,769. But we may be told (what rally disagreeable-they appear however necessary is true) that the trade of a country does not conupon the present occasion, to show the relative sist alone in its native exports. We may get some state of commerce among the States. I am war-information by examining as well its native as its ranted also, by the example set me by the gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. LLOYD,) in making the comparison which I intend to present to this House. In doing it, I pray I may be understood, as not meaning any offence to any State, nor to any individual thereof. New Hampshire cannot be considered a commercial State; judging from the Treasury Report, the products of its labor and agriculture go, I presume to swell the amount of exports from Massachusetts, for their export of native products is only $365,950. Rhode Island may be considered commercial in proportion to her numbers. I have ever admired the industry and enterprise of her citizens, and have been gratified in the extension of her commerce; but their commerce does not exceed the proportion which is due to their numbers-the amount of export The gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. LLOYD) of their products is $741,988. But Connecticut, has told us, and told us truly, that the tonnage Mr. President, is she commercial? Every Amer-owned by the citizens of that State is one-third ican traveller that visits the Eastern States, re- of the whole tonnage of the Union; that the want turns highly gratified with that State; he states of employment thereof causes an annual injury with exultation and pleasure, the delightful fields to the amount of six millions of dollars. My calthereof; its high state of agriculture; its smiling | culation, Mr. President, does not make it near so

foreign articles of exportation. Let us examine it in that point of view. It will be found that New York alone, who appears to approve of the embargo, if we are to credit their Governor's Speech, and the answer thereto of both branches of the Legislature, does export of all articles, foreign as well as domestic, to a greater amount than all the New England States together; for her exports are $26,357,963, when the total exports of those States amount only to $24,074,438. Nay, sir, Maryland exports an amount equal to threefifths of the whole of the New England States, her general export being $14.298,984. I have deemed it not unprofitable to take this view of the subject, to show the commerce of the United States, as they compare with each other.

SENATE.

The Embargo.

NOVEMBER, 1808.

much. But, sir, suppose the fact, is this attribu-setts suffers less, because she has an immense tontable to the embargo? I think not, sir. On the nage employed in the coasting trade, which rencontrary, that the owners of these ships ought to ders its usual profits and usual employment for bless the wisdom and firmness of those who laid her sailors, when those other States have not the the embargo, and thus saved this immense ton- same advantage. This advantage applies more nage from British depredation and condemnation particularly to Connecticut than to any other State under their Orders of Council, and from French in the Union; for, of her 46,000 tons of vessels, burning and destruction under the infernal decree 20,000 are actually employed in the coasting trade. of Milan. For it has been truly said, by an emi- So that, as to the use of ships, she suffers less than nent merchant of Salem, (Mr. Gray,) that not any other in the Union. Her trade by land and more than one vessel in eight, that sailed for Eu- water to the other States still continues in full rope within a short time prior to the embargo, ever vigor, and renders to her advantages not known reached her port of destination. My own expe- to any other State. rience, however, has taught me the truth of this remark; and, as a further proof, I have in my hand a list of fifteen vessels which sailed for Europe, and were insured in an office in Baltimore. They sailed between the 1st September and 23d December, 1807. Three arrived, one was captured by the French, one by the Spaniards, one was seized in Hamburg, and nine carried into England. But for the embargo, the ships of the United States that would have sailed for Europe would have shared a fate at least as bad-in my opinion much worse as that of those fifteen. Not one in twenty would have arrived; for those vessels that sailed in September might well have arrived before the date of the Orders in Council (the 11th November) or the decrees of France. I say, again, let the ship-owners return thanks to their best friends to those who laid the embargo. As one whose property has thereby been saved, I pray you to accept mine. But, sir, let us compare, in order to know the sufferings of each, whether the other States do not suffer, as to their tonnage, in proportion to the New England States. I take leave to submit the tonnage of the Eastern and a few of the other States.

STATES.

New Hampshire

Rhode Island

Massachusetts

Connecticut

Totals

New York

Pennsylvania

Maryland

South Carolina

Total

Tonnage.

Registered. Licensed.

20,606 304,357 28,715 26,022 379,700

131,047

86,723

71,648

48,156

337,574

3,493 134,603

6,523

We are told that the embargo is a measure injurious only to ourselves; that our fish, beef, pork, flour, tobacco, and cotton, remain to perish on our hands. I have already stated that the fish finds its greatest consumption only in Spain, Portugal, Italy and France, from which countries we are excluded by the Orders of Council; of course the embargo cannot be chargeable with its loss, nor with that of tobacco, when not more than one-seventh thereof as already stated can go to the places of consumption without being subject to British capture. The gentlemen from the States which produce cotton, do not appear to be alarmed at the danger presented to their view, arising from that article being produced in Gui ana and Africa. For they well know that it will require population and men well acquainted with the culture of that article to enable those countries to enter into competition with them. They know that cotton cannot be produced in the quantities required by the British manufacturers in any reasonable time, so that they feel confident that a sufficient supply cannot be obtained from any other country than their own. But no man can, no man will believe that any supply from any other country can be brought forward to prevent a stoppage taking place of the looms of Manchester.

We are told, that when the British islands are accustomed to receive their supplies of live cattle from the Main, that Connecticut will lose that valuable branch of their commerce. Yes, Mr. President, if Bonaparte should conquer Spain, 20,000 her colonies will forever be lost to the mother country-they will become independent-they 164,619 will be open to the trade of the world; and if cattle can (as the gentleman has truly told us) be procured at their own door by the British planters for two or three dollars per head, it will very soon become unfashionable to go to Connecticut, and there to pay thirty to sixty dollars. But will this be chargeable on the embargo ? Certainly not. The gentleman has also attempted to alarm us, lest the Spanish colonies should supply the islands with breadstuffs. No impos

By this, it will appear that the States of New York, Pennsylvania. Maryland, and South Caro-sibilities stand in his way. The sugar planter lina, own, of ships engaged in foreign trade, nearly the same number of tons as the four New England States. Thus, then, the loss to those States, in point of tonnage, is nearly equal to that of the other four; and, in addition, they suffer the loss sustained by having on hand a greater amount of native products. In fact, the State of Massachu

will turn his sugar land into corn grounds, and no longer take his supply from the United States. Yes, sir, this will be done, when the gentleman, (Mr. H.) can prove that men will prostrate their own interest. The idea is an idle one, and does not merit an answer.

We are told that the embargo, as a coercive

Goods ad valorem, from France and her allies

$1,843,199 867,259 Hemp, iron, glass, cordage, and other

be in jeopardy. These, with other charges of a similar nature, having been found to be false, and that the present rulers are as tenacious of public credit, as their predecessors, all fears on that account, have ceased. The public credit will be admitted to be good, and there can be no doubt that any sum of money that may be required for a war, may be had by loan; either in our own country or abroad, without having recourse to a direct tax. So that I pray the honorable gentleman from Delaware to quiet his tender feelings on this subject.

6

SENATE.

right claimed and exercised for ages-a right claimed and exercised during the whole of the Administrations of Washington, of Adams, and ' of Jefferson-continue to take some of the British seamen found on board our merchant vessels, and with them a small number of ours, from the impossibility of always distinguishing Englishmen 'from citizens of the United States. On this point, our Government well know that Great Britain is perfectly willing to adopt any arrangement that can be devised, which will secure to her service 'the seamen who are her own subjects, and at the

The Seamen.-We at length find the gentle-same time exempt ours from impressment." men are alive to the interest of this useful class of citizens. It may be considered a novelty to them. They tell us that our seamen have abandoned their country and gone into foreign employ. Will the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. HILLHOUSE) say in his place, that the sailors of Connecticut have deserted their country to take refuge on board British ships of war? No, sir, he knows the abhorrence of his fellow-citizens to that kind of service. The seamen of this Union have fathers, uncles, brothers, friends, with whom they find employment. They will be found in the public works of the extensive manufactories which have been established, and among the farmers of the United States. I will not believe that any American sailors have left their country, except some worthless, drunken men. I well know whence this idea has arisen. To avoid the complaints of Great Britain, the navy, prior to the embargo, had discharged all British deserters; they also discharged all British seamen found on board their ships of war-those, together with foreign seamen employed in the merchant service, have been collected by the British Consuls, (who have found that their numbers did not equal their expectations,) and by them have been sent out of the country. That they may never return must be the sincere wish of every lover of his country! We should thereby silence the complaint of Great Britain, to wit: that we employ their subjects, and take from that Government the pretext of impressing American seamen under the presumption that they are their own. The vacancy made by their thus abandoning our country will very soon be filled up by our own citizens-of whom sufficient for all the purposes of navigation will soon be found.

Gracious God Mr. President! can that man feel for American seamen, who can say and write, deliberately, that the impressment of five thousand Americans by Great Britain is no real cause, but a pretext only? Will any man believe that a person making use of such expressions can have any feelings whatever for the sufferings of our seamen? I wish Mr. President, we had before us the able discussion held by the same gentleman, (Mr. PICKERING,) on the subject of impressment of American seamen, with Mr. Liston. In that we should see our rights maintained by a strength of argument drawn from our just complaints. He did not then call our remonstrances on that subject pretexts. No, sir, he thought as every American will think, that they were griev ous, intolerable, and such as no free and highspirited people ought to submit to. In what estimation are we to hold the future opinions of a gentleman, who, in 1806, did by a solemn vote in Senate approbate the following resolution in Senate, which advised the President to send a special mission, "to demand a reparation of wrongs, and particularly as it related to the impressment of American seamen," when we see a public letter in 1808, from the same gentleman, calling the complaints on that subject-pretences, and not just causes!

Gentlemen whose feelings are now so tender with respect to American seamen showed little of this when their fellow-citizens were seized, put on board British ships of war, and compelled to fight their battles against nations with whom theirs was at peace. Nay, sir, we find some of them offering apologies in behalf of the British Government for this violence offered to the liberties of our fellow-citizens and to our independence as a nation. I have in my hand a public letter, and, therefore, I may use it, where the writer, a Senator from Massachusetts, (Mr. PICKERING.) says "I will close this long letter by stating all the existing pretences, for there are no causes for a war with Great Britain," &c. &c.

"1. The British ships of war, agreeably to a

"Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to demand the restoration of the property of their citizens, captured and condemned on the pretext of its being employed in a trade with the enemies of Great Britain, prohibited in time of peace; and the indemnification of such American citizens, for their losses and damages sustained by those captures and condemnations; and to enter into such arrangements with the British Government, on this and all other differences subsisting between the two nations, (and particularly respecting the impressment of American seamen,) as may be consistent with the honor and interests of the United States, and manifest their earnest desire to obtain for themselves and their citizens, by amicable negotiation, that justice to which they are entitled."

Let us cast our eyes back to the session of 1805-6, and we shall recollect the memorials presented from the merchants of all the great seaports, praying Congress to adopt measures for the obtaining redress of the wrongs sustained by them from depredations committed on their property by the British, under the pretext "that they were carrying on a trade not permitted in times of peace," although it was acknowledged, that our