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dread of seeing him invested with all the thus: That throughout the course of Kingly powers; but the friends of freedom" a long public life, it had been marked

"by more of forgetfulness for his own situa"tion, by more of aeneration and regard for "his country and for the general interests of "the world, than any other man placed "in a similar situation. He had there"fore experienced much of pain, to

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have never treated him in a way that can inspire them with any such dread. They can see, in none of his actions or words, any cause for fearing that he would use his powers against them; and, in the hostility towards him shown by their enemics, they think they perceive no very weak" find that the hon. and learned gentlegrounds to hope that he would prove himself their friend. This is the view that the friend of freedom take of the matter. These are the principles by which they are actuated; and, whatever the venal and corrupt writers, of all sorts and in all shapes, may think; however sure they may behieve themselves of having the people with them; they will soon find, that the whole nation is with the Prince, and that, too, upon this very ground, namely, that his having full powers will enable him to affect a radical change of system; a complete and total change of that system, which has existed for the last 26 years, and which bas brought the country into a state, which, on all hands, is acknowledged to be one from which it has only a chance of escaping without being subdued by a foreign enemy.

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"man should have thought it necessary "to rake up the ashes of that great man, "in order to pass a fleeting censure upon his memory. It was not however the "testimony of his (Mr. W.'s) sentiments, "that could rescue his character from "aspersions so unmerited, that testimony "was recorded in the minds of his coun"trymen, his public actions were before "the world, and those were best able to judge of him who knew him best; but his "character would be done justice to by future historians, as indeed it had been by "the historian of the day."--Now, what answer was this? What was there here to oppose Sir Samuel Romilly? What was there here to show, that his opinion was not well-founded? What was all this general talk about forgetfulness of his own situation, veneration for his country, love This leads me to notice, by way of con- of mankind? What was this? Why did clusion, a sort of episode, which arose and not this defender of Mr. Pitt's character became of great importance in the debates give the instance which Sir Samuel Roof the 1st and 2nd instant, relative to the milly called for? Mr. Wilberforce ought public character of MR. PITT.--In the to be very familiar with all the instances proposing and supporting of the Resolu- to be referred to, having been his most tions, on the former day, the precedent, as constant supporter. Why, then, did he not it is called, of 1788, was urged, and, in give the single instance, in which he order to give weight to that precedent, the adopted a measure, which had proved name of its author, MR. PITT, was intro- beneficial to England? The reason is duced, accompanied with an eulogium upon plain; for, it is not to be believed, that his character as a statesman. -SIR SA- he would not have done it, if he could.NUEL ROMILLY spoke against the Resolu- Instead of such instance; instead of proof tions, and, in answering that part of the that Sir Samuel Romilly was wrong in argument which was built upon the prece- his opinion; instead of proof that Mr. dent of 1788, he also, in answer to what Pitt was à great man; we are, forsooth, had been said of its author, observed, that to be content with Mr. Wilberforce's ashe could see no good reason for thinking sertion, that "those were best able to judge Mr. Fitt a great man. A deriding shout "of Mr. Pitt who knew him 'best." from the other side of the House called no! Mr. Wilberforce; we shall not from him, in his mild and dignified man- yield to this. Those are best able to ner, an observation, that those who dif- judge of him, who are best able to ascertain fered from him in opinion would bet- and to estimate the effects of his measures. ter consult the credit of the character they These are the persons best able to judge, were so zealous in supporting, by citing whether he ought to be called a great man any one instance, in which Mr. Pitt bad or not. We shall not take his character proved himself a great man by being the from those who dined and drank with him; author of measures that had produced bene- Oh, no! nor from those "historians of the fit to his country.The Morning Post" day," though they may be Police Masays, that Mr. WILBERFORCE answered it gistrates, and thought, by some persons,

Oh,

POLITICAL REGISTER.-The Regency.

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31] worthy of pensions, paid out of the public pointed out one single act of his by which money. We shall not pin our faith upon England or any part of mankind had been We have his benefited. Sir FRANCIS BURDETT followed; such sleeves, I assure you. acts before us, and the fruit of his acts. and, though I do not see his speech regreat We have the Statute-Book; we have the ported, I am quite sure, that he did not fail Paper-money; we have the million of pau- to point out acts enough, of the " "man," which had been a cruel scourge to pers; we have the state of Ireland; we have the Conquests of France. We have all England and to mankind.--I have not room for a quarter part of what I wish to say these before us, and, with these before us, we shall not ask the character of Mr. Pitt upon this subject; but, I will return to it in from Messrs. Boyd and Benfield, or from my next; though I cannot even now forbear to notice what is said to have fallen Mr. Thomas Steele, or from Mr. Villiers, or from MR. PONSONBY; namely, that he and Mr. Hunt, or even from Lord Melville, or G. Rose, or Mr. Canning or Mr. Huskisson. those with whom he acted (I was in hopes All these were amongst he most intimately that this sort of acting was over) disclaimed acquainted with Mr. Pite; they, therefore, attacks upon Mr. Pitt's character. What ! according to Mr. Wilberforce's notion, do they then mean to cling to the sysknew him best; but, we shall not, for that tem? I want no other test than this; and reason, trust to their judgment upon the observe, that this was said too (if it was subject, when we have all the acts of the said) during a discussion in which Mr. man before us, and while we feel so griev- Pitt's character as a statesman had been ously the consequences of these acts. brought forward to give weight to a preceThose are the best able to judge of Mr. dent which was urged in order to cramp Pitt who feel the Assessed Taxes, the In- the power of the Prince of Wales, and, come Tax: and who, according to the which is still stronger; against which prestatement of Mr. Huskisson get fifteen cedent the Prince had himself protested at shillings in the pound for their money in the the time! I can hardly believe, that this was said by Mr. PONSONBY; but, if it was funds. These are the persons to judge of Mr. Pitt, and not those who dined and said, and said deliberately and with the concurrence of his party, I am quite sure drank with him, and who got titles and places and grants and pensions and other good that the designs of that party, be they who things, which, though not of a direct sort, they may, are hostile to the interests of are not the less gratifying to some people, the people of England. The people are or less likely to warp men's judgment. greatly indebted to Sir Samuel Romilly for having stood forward in defence of their Oh, no! Mr. Wilberforce, we shall, I astake his character from persons character upon this occasion; for, if they sure you, of this description; but, shall judge from deserved what they received at the hands facts, facts which we are all acquainted of Mr. Pitt, how is it possible to find with, and that no man can now disguise terms sufficiently degrading to describe from us.-In the debate of the 2nd in-them. The more that man's character is stant this topic was revived by MR. CAN discussed the better. It is vitally essential that it should be brought to its proper NING, who having taken 24 hours to collect his materials, took occasion, (amidst level. Discussion, if free, will bring out loud cries of question) to come out with truth, and truth is all we want.. What have what some people call an eloquent eulogium disgrace, what misery, what incalculable mischiefs would England never on Mr. Pitt, during which, as the newspapers say, he charged Sir Samuel Romilly known if Mr. Pitt had died the day after with having calumniated the character of he first became minister! But, I have no room, and must, therefore, postpone all his dear departed friend.--Sir Samuel further observation till my next. Romilly, whose answer is said to have been most admirable, coolly told him, that he would better have consulted the credit of his departed friend's memory, if he had

WM, COBBETT.

State Prison, Newgate,
Friday, 4th Jan. 1811.

Published by R. BAGSHAW, Brydges-Street, Covent Garden :-Sold also by J. BUDI), Pall-Mall.
LONDON:-Printed by T. C. Hansard, Peterborough-Court, Fleet-Street,

VOL. XIX. No. 3.] LONDON, WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 9, 1811.

[Price 15.

"The defect of Representation is the National Disease; and, unless you apply a Remedy directly "to that Disease, you must inevitably take the consequences, with which it is pregnaut.Without a Parliamentary Reform the Nation will be plunged into new wars; without a Parliamentary Reform," you cannot be safe against bad Ministers, nor can ever good Ministers be of use to you. No honest man, can, according to the present system, continue Minister.”. -MR. PITT'S SPEECH, in the House of Commons, 1782.

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SUMMARY OF POLITICS. THE REGENCY. Before I proceed to notice the state, into which the project of Limitations has been brought by the debates, which have, since the 1st of January, taken place in the House of Lords, I shall return to the subject of MR. PITT'S PUBLIC CHARACTER, upon which I had not room fully to offer my remarks at the close of the last Number.This subject, though | it arose incidentally, in the debate in the House of Commons, on the 1st inst. is one of the greatest importance to the country; of more importance than the nature of the Regency itself, because in this question of the PUBLIC CHARACTER OF MR. PITT is inFolved the question, whether his system is still to be persevered in, or not, by those who are now looking to office and power. This is, in a word, the TEST. It cannot be blinked. It must be met, fully canrassed, and clearly settled; and, accordingly as it is decided; accordingly as men are for this character, or against, will be, and must be the opinions, the hopes or the spicions of the people, with regard to those men. Sir SAMUEL ROMILLY has been accused of raking up the ashes of the dead. How is this charge made out? It was not he who raked them up. It was they who first brought forward Mr. Pitt's name; and, who not only brought forward his name, but who urged it as an argument in support of the proposition, which Sir Samuel Romilly had to oppose. Their reasoning was this: "We build our propositions for "limiting the powers of the Regent upon "the precedent of 1788; and that that "was a just and wise measure, that that measure was congenial with the princi"ples of the constitution, that that measure was calculated for the benefit of the "country, we have a right to assume, be"cause it was the invention of that GREAT "STATESMAN, Mr. Pitt."And, when Sir Samuel Romilly came to answer the arguments in favour of the projected limi

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tations, was he not to notice this argument? And, if he did notice it, was he not at full liberty to deny the assumption grounded upon the assertion that Mr. Pitt was a GREAT STATESMAN? And, in deny. ing this assumption, was it not right for him, if he thought it, to deny that Mr. Pitt was a GREAT STATESMAN? And was he, for doing this, under such circumstances, to be charged with illiberality, and with raking up the ashes of the dead? The affirmative of the proposition is too monstrous to be endured, for a moment, by any man of sense.The friends of the Pitt system were, it seems, to be at free liberty to say what they pleased in praise of their hero; they were, if they had chosen it, to eulogize his finance schemes, his taxations, his suspensions of the Habeas Corpus act, his India system, his schemes and transactions with the Bank, and even his subsidies and his expeditions; they were to make use of his name in the way of praise as long as they pleased; but, if any one spoke of the mischievousness of his measures, the person so speaking was to be açcused of raking up his ashes,-If, however, they are alarmed at this sort of raking up, they have, I imagine, a great deal of unexpected mortification to experience.

So far was it from being illiberal or indecorous in Sir Samuel Romilly to deny that Mr. Pitt was a great Statesman, as he did, in the way of answer to an argument built upon the affirmative of the proposition, that he would have been fully justi fied in stating his opinion of Mr. Pitt in the way of proof of the folly or injustice of the project he was opposing, if he looked upon Mr. Pitt as a minister whose acts showed him to be a man whose example was to be shunned.If, for instance, a measure were now proposed that had formerly been proposed by LAUD or Nov or JEFFERIES or any other of the tyrannical viliains who disgraced the reigus of the Charleses and the Jameses, and whose principles finally brought their masters to D

the scaffold or drove them from the throne; | swer to a precise, pointed, pinching proif a measure were now proposed that had position. It might do admirably in a been, in their day, proposed by them, funeral sermon, where the orator fears would not the opponent of that measure no contradiction; but, in an argument, have a perfect right to speak in the terms where discussion is, if men have but spirit, which he thought they merited, of the still free, it cannot be expected to pass CHARACTER of Laud or Noy or Jefferies? for much. - Mr. CANNING, however, .. Would he not have a right to speak in re- seems to have been of a different opinion; probation of that character? Would he for after having taken twenty-four hours not have a right to urge the nature of that to ruminate upon the matter, he, if the character as an argument against the mea- report of his speech be correct, did no sure?It is almost to insult the under- more than follow the example of Mr. standing of the reader to put these ques- Wilberforce; and, like him, to pass a tions to him; and yet has Sir Samuel Ro- loose and general eulogium on the chamilly been charged with illiberality, be- racter of Mr. Pitt, whom he asserted cause he, and that, too, in the most gentle many times to be a great man, but, to demanner, denied, in answer to an argument cline the polite invitation to produce any built on the assertion, that Mr. Pitt was one instance in proof of the truth of the asa GREAT STATESMAN!Thus far as sertion. Sir Samuel Romilly, as well he to the charge preferred against Sir might (for upon such ground a man may Samuel Romilly, which charge, if he stand till doomesday), still called for the spoke what he thought of the character of instance in which Mr. Pitt's measures had Mr. Pitt, as we have every reason to sup- been beneficial to any part of His Mapose he did, stands in need of nothing jesty's subjects; and, in the course of his further to show how groundless, how fu- speech, which is highly extolled by those tile it was. But, a much more important who had the advantage of hearing it, he point remains, namely, whether his opinion is, in the news-papers, reported to have was just.And here we ought first to observed, that the Right Honourable Genobserve, that his opinion was not dogma- tleman, especially after having taken tically expressed; he did not give a flat twenty-four hours to collect and arrange and unqualified denial to the assertion of his materials, would have better consulted Mr. Pitt's being a great man or a great the honour of his departed friend's mestatesman; he did not, as he had a full mory, if, instead of a mere eulogium, in right to do, oppose assertion to assertion, general terms, however eloquent, he had but made his denial conditional, and in-called to mind, and had stated any one vited proof of the truth of the assertion of his opponents. "I do not," said he, "think him a great man, because, look "which way I will, I can discover, not a "single instance, of his ever having in"vented or adopted what was beneficial to "the country or to mankind."- To this what was said in answer? I stated, in my last, that Mr. WILBERFORCE, one of the constant supporters of Mr. Pitt in all his most important measures, and especially in his Bank Stoppage measures, did not accept of Sir Samuel Romilly's invitation; did not produce any such instance as that which the latter had called for; did not attempt to show, that, by any one measure of Mr. Pitt, the people, in any part of the King's dominions, had been benefitted; but contented himself with an eulogium, in loose and general terms, upon Mr. Pitt's character, and with the assertion, that his departed friend was to be judged of by those who knew him best.

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instance, in which, by the measures of
Mr. Pitt, any part of the people of this
kingdom, or any part of mankind, had
been benefitted.This was ground from
which it was impossible to move him. It
was quite unnecessary for him to budge an
inch from it. His opponents had first in-
troduced the name and character of Mr.
Pitt; they had put forward that character
in support of their argument; they had
built their precedent upon it; and with
them it lay to prove that the foundation
of their precedent, the foundation which
they themselves had chosen, was solid
and good. Sir Samuel Romilly said that
that foundation was not good, and it
was for them to prove that it was.
It was
not for him to prove that Mr. Pitt was not
a great man, but for them to prove that
he was; it was for him to deny the affir-
mative, without, unless he chose it, prov-
ing the negative. But, with us, out of
doors (I mean out of the House, for some
of us are in doors), who have more leisure,
and are very deeply interested in the

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question, it may not be amiss to prove close companions, or his party adherents, this negative, if, indeed, it can stand in let us proceed to judge of Mr. Pitt by it: need of any proof to a nation who are so first observing, that, for 21 years, he had severely feeling the effects of Mr. Pitt's all the means of the country and of the administration. Sir Samuel Romilly merely whole of the King's dominions at his comsaid, that he did not think Mr. Pitt a great mand. Ile gained, by means of the poman, and called for proof of the contrary, pularity which his professions in favour of which proof no one attempted to give; I Parliamentary Reform had given him say he was a very little man, and I will (and a 'specimen of which I have taken produce the proof of.--First, then, what for my motto); by these means he gained is meant by the words great man? Cer- a victory over his great opponent in 1784. tainly, in this case, a great statesman. Men From that time to the day of his death may be great in other ways, as a poet, his power lasted; for, he chose to make a chymist, a political economist, a way for Mr. Addington; and, as was lawyer, or a divine, and in many other proved by the result, he was in a state to ways; but, in this case we are, and so resume the office of minister whenever he was Sir Samuel Romilly, to view Mr. Pitt pleased.During 21 years he had a as A STATESMAN; and not merely as a decided majority in the two Houses of statesman in the undefined sense of that Parliament. One half, or thereabouts, of word, but as FIRST MINISTER OF ENGLAND, the Upper House had been either created a person responsible for all the acts of the or promoted during his ministry; and, government, and, in character, responsible in the lower House, what is there that can for all the evils that befall the country be named, in the way of gaining influence, during the continuance of his sway, or that he had not had the power of doing, in consequence of any measures adopted and that he had not actually done? In or invented by him.It is in this cha the long course of these 21 years, he never racter that we must view Mr. Pitt; it is proposed or espoused any measure that was in this character that his memory is re- rejected; and he never opposed or joined sponsible to us; it is in this character in opposing any measure that was carried; that I am of opinion he was a very little with the exception, as to the former, of man; and if I fail in my proof of it, I the measure of Parliamentary Reform will (without, however, acknowledging and the Abolition of the Sture Trade, of the propriety of the expression) be con- which we shall have to speak hereafter, tent to pass for one of the propagators of when we come to the question of his those calumnies out of doors," of which sincerity. -During these 21 years Mr. Canning thought proper to complain. he adopted, then, what measures The criterion of greatness in a thought proper, he levied what taxes STATESMAN, who has been prime minister, and what armies he thought proper; he is not the duration of his power; not the made war and peace when and how he length of time that he was able to keep his thought proper; he had all the resources place; not the majorities that he kept at of the nation in his hands; he employed his back, in the Houses of Parliament; them in what manner it seemed meet to not the number of peers that he created; him; he was under no controul; and, of not the grants of money, sinecures and course, to him, and to him alone, we are pensions that he made; no, nor the in- to look for all the changes that have taken crease of commerce and manufactures, place in the internal state of the country, however such increase may dazzle some and in the situation of its affairs with remen. The true criterion is, the effect pro- gard to foreign nations.-The farmer, duced by his measures upon the state of the who has just entered upon his farm, may nation at large; upon the situation of the justly apologize for its ruinous state by alpeople, upon their means of living, upon their ledging that he found it in that state, and freedom, their morals, their love of country, that he has not yet had time to better it; their happiness; and upon the state of the but, when you survey a farm at the end of country relatively to other countries, particu-a 21 years lease, you have a right to charge larly any country, the augmentation of the power of which must endanger the independance of the country of which the son in question has been minister.If this be the true criterion where by to judge of a minister, and not the opinions of his

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the renter with all the signs of poverty and misery that you perceive. Such a cultivator has no apology to offer; and, as to a minister, he is, if possible, still more destitute of excuse, because, if he had found any thing to thwart his views,

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