ble to take this view of the matter, without coming, at once, to the conclusion, that what it would have been wise to do in 1793, it is, as far as possible, wise to do now. To reduce France to what she was then is impossible; to prevent the further increase of her enormous power is also impossible; but, it is possible to make England secure even against that enormous power by giving a new spirit to the people, by uniting them heart and hand, and all this would be done by a reform of parliament, such as was called for by all those men, whose words I have taken as mottos to this Number, and to effect which reform would not cost one single sixpence.--Anents, branded as Jacobins and traitors, the people never die; a people cannot perish if they would; and a great question, like that of reform, becomes, in time, part of the public soul. It may be smothered for a while, but, it will always break out again. The want of reform is the great source of all complaint; every se parate complaint flows from it, and, quick as thought, is traced to it.It is nonsense to say, that the people do not wish for reform, because they do not crowd up petitions calling for it. I have often-times shown why they do not crowd up petitions; and, after what every man has seen of late, what can any man want more to satisfy him of the futility of such an argument, to use which, indeed, is an insult so outrageous as never to be forgiven.--We are told, that the " quiet good sort of folks" say nothing about reform. This is not true; for, in private, they do say a great deal about it, and are very anxious for its adoption. That they will not stir; that they will not expose themselves, in any way, I know very well. But, of what use would these " quiet good sort of folks" be, if Napoleon's Legions were to land in the country? Does any man imagine, that they would not retain this admired quality of quietness? Does any man suppose, that they would change their nature all at once; and that they who had not had the courage openly to express their sentiments, would, all of a sudden, find courage sufficient to meet the French bayonets? ——Oh, no! This were a foolish supposition indeed; and, whoever lives to see the day of trial, will find that these Quakers in politics will be something worse than Quakers in war.Common sense says, that, in the hour of real danger, the fate of the country must depend upon the disposition of the active and sealous part of the people, and these are all for reform. Leaving, therefore, the justice of the proposed measure wholly aside, national safety calls loudly for it, unless we make our minds up to the notion, that nations do not depend for their safety upon the activity and zeal and courage of the people. I hope, indeed, that nothing will ever prevent Englishmen from fighting in defence of their native land; but, is it to be sup-. posel, that, if the necessity arose, they would be able to do it so effectually unless they were previously united by the measure of reform? Is it to be supposed, that while those active and zealous men, who call for this measure, are, by their oppo whole people can possibly be brought, upon any emergency, to act cordially together for any purpose whatever? And is there not good ground to fear, that a season of general danger would be also a sea- · son of mutual reproaches and perhaps revenge-These are the considerations that ought to weigh with statesmen, even supposing them to leave justice to the people entirely out of the question.--A passage in the leading venal print, the COURIER, of the 21st instant, furnishes a pretty good specimen of the means at present made use of to conciliate and unite the people and to stand by one another in an hour of danger. "The Ministry and the Public should be guarded against a clamour raising by persons uniformly in the interest of France against sending troops to Portugal. They cry "out that Ireland is in danger of invasion, "that England is in danger of invasion. "Now, there is less danger of invasion "now, as they know, than at any former " 66 period of the war; but their wish is to "let Massena get his reinforcements, and "to prevent Lord Wellington from getting "any, by which means the victory for the enemy may be secure, and the English Jaco"bins will have created a happy diversion "in favour of their allies, the French.". Thus are all those, who, after having seen Lord Talavera followed by Massena from the frontiers of Portugal to the vicinity of Lisbon; who, after having been, by these same prints, assured, that Lord Talavera intended to draw Massena to that point, where he had got him in a trap, saw him let the Frenchmen out of the trap; who, after having been over and over again told, that the French were starving, now find that they have plenty of provisions; who, after having been told, till the ear grew weary of the sound, that Massena possess ed not an inch of ground but that on defence that I thought were neglected? In which his army stood, now find him to be short, what would not be said against me, the master of all Portugal, except the little or against any man of my sentiments, that nook in which our army is penned up; were to state what is here, without any rewho, after being a hundred times told, by serve or qualification, proclaimed to the this same writer, that our army was supe-world by this venal writer?--But, this rior in numbers to the French, and that is all perfectly natural. It all proceeds the latter was daily and hourly wasting from the same source. These venal men away by famine, sickness and desertion ; | fecl conscious of their weakness upon the all those, who, after having seen and heard real subject in dispute. They know that, these things, now think that more troops if they speak of reform, they are beaten. ought not to be sent to Fortugal, and who are They have so often been defeated and exof opinion, that to send them out is only to posed in those discussions, that they turn incur a certain additional heavy expence, from them as a perjuror does from the pilwithout the smallest chance of doing any lory. They use all possible endeavours to good; all those persons are thus branded as divert the public attention from the real Jacobins, are charged with being in the inter- cause of their hatred. To cry reformer est of France; and with wishing to make the would not do; but the cry of Jacobins, victory of the enemy secure.- -These are the French faction, and the like, suits them to means; these and the like of these, are admiration, being, as they are, quite rethe means now in use for conciliating and gardless of the consequences to the coun waiting the people, and for inclining them try, so that by these, or any other means, to spend their last shiling and shed the they secure to themselves the advantages last drop of their blood in defence of the of their venality and corruption.I shall country, including, of course, these their be told, perhaps, that I am teaching the calumniators!--The men who are thus public to expect too much from the Redepicted are parliamentary reformers. There gency Ministry, and that the latter will is no other description of politicians that not be able to carry a parliamentary reform. the venal have any serious objection to; and, the reason is plain: these latter know well, that reform strikes at the root of corruption. This is the reason, and the only reason, that they hate the reformers, for the purpose of destroying whom, they would annihilate the country. This object is always uppermost in their minds, and, in their endeavours to effect it, or, merely for the purpose of venting their hatred, they think nothing of proclaiming to the enemy, that there are men in England, who are uniformly in the interest of France; who wish by all means to secure the success of the French army over our own; graded crew." All this they will have and who, in a word, regard the French as full power to do; and they will, besides, their allies. The number of these men, have full power to show the people, to give when he looks at the "Burdettite Livery," them convincing proof, that they, at least, Napoleon will want nobody to tell him. wish success to the cause of reform. Nothing --What would be said of me, if I were can prevent them from being able to enterto state, in the Register, that a part of the tain the subject; to give it ample discussion; people of England wish success to the arms and to let it take its fair chance of the beof Napoleon against our army; that a partnefits to be derived from reason and truth, of the people of England are steadily in his interes; that a part of the people of Engod look upon him as their aily? What would be aid of me, 'fi were to state this? Should I not be called a " seditious li« beiler:" Slou'd i not be charged with inviting the French to our shores," as I was, in the time of the Addingtons, beCause I urged the necessity of measures of I do not teach the public to expect too much; for I do not say, that the Regency Ministry will be able immediately to carry this great and vital measure; but, I am fully justified in pointing out what I think ought to be done. And, something they will certainly be able to do. They will be able to give the people a patient and respectful hearing; they will be able to abstain from ascribing their applications to jacobinism; they will be able to hear the statement of their grievances without calling out for "a stand against popular encroachment,” and without designating them as a " low, de Is this too much to expect from them? If it be, the safe way is for them to expect nothing; but, then, if the people expect nothing, if they are to have no hope of any benefit from the approaching change, it is not reasonable to expect that they will either discover or feel any interest in it.In offering these observations, I am so far from having any wish to urging, have been refused solely from the embarrass the government of the Regent, that my wish really is to prevent embar-will of the King. And thus have these vile, rassment by stating before hand what are hypocrites, these pretenders to exclusive the expectations of the people. Every "loyalty," given the country another thing, I am well aware, cannot be done proof of their readiness to throw every thing all at once; but, every thing may be done upon the King, which is felt as a grievance in time, and something may be done imme by any part of the people.But, what diately, that is to give the people proofs of an outrageous principle is here? The a wish to do more. But, in the end, I am Prince is not to listen to the people of thoroughly convinced, that this country Ireland, because the King is known to can be saved by nothing but a constitu- have felt objections to the granting of their tional Reform of the Commons' House of claims! Why should not this argument Parliament. In the meanwhile the vena! be extended to any time beyond the men are hard at work to prepare, to mus- life of the King? The Prince will hold ter up, and set in motion, all the preju- his authority in trust, and so does the dices that they can against the Prince and King. The whole, to use the Prince's his government. The COURIER of the own words," is held as a trust for the bedate above-mentioned, after some criticism"nefit of the people." But this writer upon His Royal Highness's Answer to the would have us regard it as a thing of the Deputation from the two Houses, in which nature of personal property; and that the the writer has discovered, what he calls happiness or misery of a whole people is contradictions and insinuations, he proceeds to depend upon the mere feelings of one thus: But if his Royal Highness's man; nay, that those feelings, even to "advisers are really anxious to manifest such an extent as this, are to be consulted "their reverential delicacy towards the and submitted to, after the person having "King, they will find full as good oppor- them is declared to be in a state of mental "tunities of doing so in the exercise of derangement; than which, perhaps, a more "those prerogatives which the Regent will perfect specimen of despotism never was "have, as they could have done in the exhibited in this world; for, according to "disuse of those which he has not; and I this venal writer, not only is it proper to "will suggest to them the delicacy of not refuse to listen to the alledged grievances changing his Majesty's confidential servants, of the people upon the sole ground of the "and placing in their room those whom King's feelings, but they are still, upon his Majesty lately dismissed from his that same ground, not to be listened to service, and who have expressed their when the King is declared to be in a state "determined hostility to the system which not to be able to form any judgment on «his Majesty has so successfully persevered in, the matter, and to be utterly incapable of " and which, there is every reason to hope, all business whatsoever.This surpasses, "he is desirous of continuing. There is if possible, in comprehensiveness, the ar"no comparison between the indelicacy of guinent of MR. YORKE. It goes to all "changing the King's servants and the measures whatever that shall be disagreeamaking a few respectable individuals, to ble to the men now in place, who, if this "whom his Majesty is not known to have reasoning be, for one moment, admit"any violent personal objections, Peers.ted, have nothing to do but to say, "But we are even told, that Catholic "Emancipation will delicately be assented to, by these advisers. Thus, in his Majes"ty's name and for him, a measure will be "assented to, to which during his whole reign, "he is known to have fill the most conscientious “ and irrevocable objections: this is delicacy "with a vengeance. I hope the rumour "upon this subject will be contradicted. If "there is no delicacy shewn in the exer"cise of those powers which the Regent "is to have, the country will not value much a delicacy which would have "been shown in the exercise of those "which he has not."--Thus, then, are the people of Ireland told, that those claims, which they have so long been "the King felt objections to this measure, and we "know it." And, as this writer has very consistently observed, it is well known that the King chose these present ministers, of course that he would feel objec tions to their being put out, and that, therefore, they ought to remain in place, and have all the power and profit that they now have.This is complete in all its parts. It provides for every thing. It insures us the perseverance in that same system, in which this most barefaced scribe tells us, "his Majesty has so success"fully persevered.” Where is the proof of success? Venal man, look across the Channel; and then tell us where the success has been. Look at the American States, "rents. OFFICIAL PAPERS. formerly his Majesty's Colonies; look at Ireland; look at the Bank; look at Sweden; look at Holland; look up the Scheldt; look back at Walcheren; or, look now at Portugal; look any where, and produce us your marks of success. -Here, again, Whereas the Territory South of the too, the system, which has led to all the evils Mississippi Territory, and Eastward of the that these names bring to our recollection; River Mississippi, and extending to the this fatal system is ascribed wholly to the River Perdido, of which possession was King.- The day will, I trust, yet come, not delivered to the United States in purwhen the system and its measures will be suance of the Treaty concluded at Paris ascribed to others, and that, too, in such a on the 30th of April, 1803, has at all times, as is well known, been considered way as truth and justice demand.-The insult here offered to His Royal Highness and claimed by them, as being within the is truly abominable. This writer, in addi-colony of Louisiana conveyed by the said tion to all his other insults, tells him, that he is bound in delicacy to adhere to a system, part of which, and no very trifling part, has been to misrepresent, calumniate, and degrade himself!--Sir SAMUEL ROMILLY, in the debate of the 21st instant, said, upon this subject, that he "neither "accused nor could he suppose Mr. Per"ceval capable of offering any insult to "the Prince of Wales. He wished he "could say the same of his political adheIf so, they would not have found "those public prints, which he should not "say were under the protection of the ad"ministration of his right hon. friend, "but which were certainly not prosecuted "with the same severity and rigour as were "manifested in other instances, pursuing a systematic course of attack upon his "Koyal Highness, calumniating every act, "and misrepresenting every word of his Royal "Highness, and holding up to scorn and de"rision every member of the Royal family. "Neither should they have found them "incessantly imputing the basest motives to many members of that House for pursuing "on this occasion what they conscientiously "considered their duty.". -It was well to point this out, though it could not have escaped the public attention. But, there is, in the present conduct of the venal prints towards the Prince of Wales, nothing new. They have been constantly at it, in a way more or less open, ever since I have been a reader of news-papers; but, now, they have thrown off all reserve, which, to say the truth, is less objectionable than the base eves-dropping misrepresentations, the whispering and canting caJumnies, in which they have so long dealt, but which they now perceive can no longer serve their MEAN, MERCENARY and MALIGNANT purposes. WM. COBBETT. State Prison, Newgate, Tuesday, Treaty in the same extent that it had in ing a present possession by a foreign au- | thority, have contemplated also an eventtual possession of the said territory by the United States, and are accordingly so framed as in that case to extend in their operation to the same: Now be it known, that I, J. Madison, President of the United States of America, in pursuance of these weighty and urgent considerations, have deemed it right and requisite, that possession should be taken of the said territory, in the name and behalf of the United States. W. C. C. Claiborne, Governor of the Orleans Territory, of which the said territory is to be taken as part, will accordingly proceed to execute the same; and to exercise over the said territory the authorities and functions legally appertaining to his office. And the good people inhabiting the same, are invited and enjoined to pay due respect to him in that character; to be obedient to the laws, to maintain order, to cherish harmony, and, in every manner, to conduct themselves as peaceable citizens, under full assurance, that they will be protected in the enjoyment of their liberty, property, and religion. FLORIDA-WEST.-Declaration of Independence.-26 Sept. 1810. It is known to the world with how much fidelity the good people of this territory have professed and maintained allegiance to their legitimate Sovereign, while any hope remained of receiving from him protection for their property and lives. Without making any unnecessary innovation in the established principles of the Government, we had voluntarily adopted certain regulations in concert with our First Magistrate for the express purpose of preserving this territory, and shewing our attachment to the Government which had heretofore protected us.-This compact, which was entered into with good faith on our part, will for ever remain an honourable testimony of our right intentions and inviolable fidelity to our King and Parent Country, while so much as a shadow of legitimate authority remained to be exercised over us. We sought only a speedy remedy for such evils as seemed to endanger our existence and prosperity; and were encouraged by our Governor with solemn promises of assistance and co-operation. But those measures which were intended for our preservation, he has endeavoured to pervert into an engine of destruction, by encouraging, in the most perfidious manner, the violation of ordinances, sanctioned and established by himself as the law of the land.--Being thus left, without any hope of protection from the mother country-betrayed by a magistrate whose duty it was to have provided for the safety and tranquillity of the people and government committed to his charge, and exposed to all the evils of a state of anarchy, which we have so long endeavoured to avert; it becomes our duty to provide for our own security as a free and independent state, absolving from all allegiance to a Government which no longer protects us. "We, therefore, the Representatives' aforesaid, appealing to the Suproine Ruler of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do solemiy publish and declare the several districts composing this ter ritory of West Florida to be a Free and Independent State; and that they have a right to institute for themselves such form of government as they may think conducive to their safety and happiness, to form treaties, to establish commerce, to provide for their common defence, and to do all acts which may of right be done by a sovereign and independent nation; at the same time declaring all acts within the said territory of West Florida, after this date, by any tribune or authorities not deriving their powers from the people, agreeably to the provisions established by this Convention, to be null and void, and calling upon all foreign nations to respect this our declaration, acknowledging our independence, and giving us such aid as may be consistent with the laws and usages of nations.-This declaration, made in Convention at the town of Baton Rouge, on the 26th day of September, in the year of our Lord 1810, We, the Representatives, in the name aforesaid, and on behalf of our constituents, do hereby solemnly pledge ourselves to support with our lives and fortunes. By order of the Convention, JOHN RHEA, President. AND. STEELE, Secretary. [The above act of independence was communicated to the Governor of the Mississippi Territory, requesting it might be transmitted to the President of the United States, with the expression of a hope that the Government would take the present Government and people of Florida under their immediate and special protection. The answer of Mr. Secretary Smith to the Governor of Mississippi, |