other matters connected with the Regency. | Ireland? What should make the Irish -The limitations may yet be done prone to French factions, any more than away in the two Houses, during the dis- any body else?--In 1785 and the three cussions of the intended bill; and it is to or four succeeding years, we heard of be hoped, that they will be done away; French factions in Holland. The history but, at any rate, it is time for us now to of the conquest of Holland is before us; begin to think a little of the situation of and, will not his Royal Highness and his the country, and to form to ourselves some- ministry profit from that history? thing like settled notions as to what a new What caused French factions in Holministry ought to do and what the people land? Why, the refusal of the government are justified in expecting at their hands.- to redress the grievances of the people; and, As to men, though it will be impossible to at last, when the war of words had been prevent the people from liking some bet- carried on as long as possible the war of arms ter than others, and quite impossible to re- succeeded. This is the natural progress. concile them to the eulogisers of Mr. Pitt, It is thus that nations are laid open to inwhose measures must be considered as in- vaders; and thus that they finally become cluded in the eulogy; as to men, however, conquered. To adopt such measures, the people are little interested. It is the therefore, as shall make Ireland quiet, and measures they look at, because they feel enlist her under the same banners with them; and, it is not now mere measures of ourselves is absolutely necessary.what is called policy, but measures that af But if this can be done without a reform fect us so closely, that we cannot divest our- of the House of Commons, which I greatly selves of the thought of them. Their effect doubt, still that reform will be wanting to comes home to the pocket of every man of the happiness and even the defence of the us; we feel it in our incomes, in our kingdom.- -Major Cartwright has dimeans of living, in the distribution of our gested the best plan of internal defence earnings amongst our children, in our that I have ever seen, or heard of; but means of making a figure in the world, in that plan is interwoven with a reform of the looks of our poor neighbours, who, if the Commons' House of Parliament, without they have not a legal, have an equitable, or, which, indeed, it is now too late to exat least, a natural claim to partake with us. pect, that we shall ever again see an hour That creature is unworthy of the name of of safety in peace or in war. -We have man, who can enjoy his dinner and his had expeditions enough now; we have sent bottle, while he has, almost before his out arinies enough to divert the French, and eyes, a neighbourhood half starving. Their pretty diversions we have made. Each of vices! Good God! what have they to them has cost some country its indepenmake them virtuous! Hunger, cold, and dence. It is high time for us to consider nakedness never yet made men abstain how this land, how these islands, are to be defrom crimes; never made them industrious, fended. And, does any man think that they honest, or sober.--To a man, who feels are to be defended by a divided people ? as he ought to feel, this general misery is If he does he must have shut his eyes the greatest grievance; and, to such a to the cause of the fall of every nation man it is perfectly useless to talk; it is upon the continent; and, to expect to perfectly useless to philosophize; he see an united people without a reform in never will be contented, 'till he sees this parliament, is, in my view of things, someenormous grievance redressed. He knows, thing worse than madness.---If it be supthat it was not thus formerly; he knows posed, that the thing will jog on and last well, for his parish books will tell it him, that, our time, the notion, to say nothing of its before the Pitt system began its dire ope- baseness, is excessively absurd. It will ration, the people of England were com- not jog on; it must and it will have a paratively happy.The precise measures, change of one sort or an other. A change which ought now to be adopted, and even made may be as gentle and easy as you a general view of them, I have not now please; but, if it make itself, its manner and time for; but, I cannot commit this Num-extent must be left to chance. A change ber to the press without again urging the necessity of doing something for Ireland. -We know, that we have recently been told, that a regular army is necessary to keep down French factions in Ireland. Hoo came there to be French factions in

made may be under the guidance of reason; if it make itself, it must be under the wild guidance of passion.The cry of those who oppose reform, is, that it is not wanted by the people at large. Never was any thing more false than this. All the na

tion, except those who are self-interested in the continuation of abuses of all sorts, anxiously wish for it. All men, who have no such interest wish for a reform of the Parliament, as the only means of putting an end to abuses. They necessarily must wish for it. They must be the most unnatural wretches upon earth if they had not such wish; and, their expectations are now greater than ever.

OFFICIAL PAPERS.

FRANCE.-Report of a Committee in the Con-
servative Senate upon the subject of_the
annexation of Holland and the Hans
Towns to France.-13th Dec. 1810.
(Concluded from p. 96.)

But such is the empire of habits and of
self-love over nations as well as indivi-
duals; the changes which strike their eye
in all that surrounds them, in vain remind
them of their own decline; they both repel
the secret conviction which pursues them.

PAPER AGAINST GOLD.My correspondents in the country will please to perceive, that it would be inconvenient to continue this subject, till that of the Re-Ablind sentiment averts their eyes from the gency is over. But, they may be well assured, that I have the former too deeply at heart ever to drop it, till I have made the treatise as complete as it is in my power to make it.--I long had it in contemplation to make the Paper-Money System familiar to the understandings of the nation at large; but, until I was put into this jail, I wanted the time to do the thing to my wish. Now, nothing but want of health or senses shall ever make me quit it, till it be made so plain, that children at school, and even Doctors at the University, nay, that the Pitt statesmen themselves, shall understand it as well as they under

stand how to calculate the amount of their

salaries.When this task is completed, my intention is to unmask and lay bare to every eye, that GRAND MYSTERY, the Concerns of the East India Company; and, when that is well done, the people of England will want very little additional information to enable them to form a correct judgment of the prospect before them, and of the means which have been made use of

to bring them into their present situation.

WM, COBBETT.

State Prison, Newgate, Tuesday, 15th Jan. 1811.

COBBETT'S

lessons of experience, and they make their close more fatal by their efforts to ward it off-Our colours were floating over the whole Batavian territory; the partisans of England fled in the ships which they basely sold to the enemy. Its incorporation with France, the association of the Batavians with their brothers in Belgium, ought to have been the first of their wishes, the most pressing of their wants. received that immense increase to which --The public debt, which had not then it latterly arrived, might have been enmunications of commerce might have tirely saved from shipwreck; vast combeen opened with France; enormous charges would no, for 15 years, have weighed down these interesting countries: of a Government pretendedly national, as if a nation could exist where there was neither independence, nor army, nor territory susceptible of defence --Those times are passed, when the conceptions of some statesmen gave authority, in the public opinion, to the system of balances, of guarantees, of counterpoise, of political equilibrium. Pompous illusions of cabinets of the second order! visions of imbecility! which all disappear before necessity, that power which regulates the duration and the mutual relations of empires. -Would not the successive Governments of Holland in a thousand instances, have been subservient to internal agitations, to the efforts of England, had not the force of the French empire been constantly

and for what? to obtain the barren honour

Parliamentary Debates: acting upon them to maintain and to de

The FIFTEENTH, SIXTEENTH, and SEVENTEENTH Volumes, comprising the whole of the Debates and Proceedings in both Houses, during the Last Session of Parliament, are now ready for delivery.

fend them? And when England affronted France by supposing that this force was absent, because the Emperor was meditating victory and peace on the banks of the Danube; was it Holland that could have repelled the fleet, and the British legions assembled to recommence

years of a struggle glorious for France, the most extraordinary genius ever formed by nature in her magnificence, collects in his triumphant hands the scattered fragments of the sceptre of Charlemagne.The injuries of France are avenged; frontiers compacted by moderation and traced

the happiness of her people, to the tranquillity of Europe.-The Emperor proposes peace. Vain hope of a great soul! Thrice the cry of alarm was raised on all sides-thrice one victory led only to others; and peace, always offered, always demanded, and as it were pursued, retired before our eagles to the extremities of Europe.-In those shocks of which human prudence cannot moderate the effects, empires of the first rank are overthrown from their foundations; small states disappear: we have seen the gothic supports of the European edifice tumble down of themselves without the possibility of their be

the oppression and disgrace of the Helder? | -Certainly not; truths so manifest require neither proof nor example. Holland, like the Hans Towns, would remain the prey of uncertainty, of dangers, of revolutions, of oppressions of every kind, if the genius who decides the destinies of Europe did not cover her with his invinci-out by nature, are the trophies raised to ble egis. The Emperor has resolved in his wisdom, to incorporate them with the immense family of which he is the head. -In adopting this grand resolution, perhaps he himself obeys, more than he is aware of, the law of necessity. If he commands the glory of times present, the events which preceded his coming command those of his reign-that uninterrupted succession of causes and effects, which form the history of nations and the destiny of their chiefs. That of the Napoleons was to reign and to conquer; victory belongs to him, war to his age.-Among the wars recorded in our history, there is not one during which the jealous rivalrying rebuilt on the same plan; and had not of England has not been the direct cause of our troubles, our misfortunes, our dan gers of our energy, our combats, our conquests.In the feudal times, England divided our princes, kept our vassals in pay, ravaged our fields; she foresaw that the throne of their Sovereigns would one day be the first in the Universe: driven back to her islands, she every where sought for avengers of her quarrel; Germany, Italy, the Spains, number but few cities where combats have not been maintained during 300 years for the cause of England. -To hear her, our kings made pretentions are too small, or destitute of sufficisions to universal monarchy after the siege of Rochelle, the works of Toulon and the surrender of Courtray. The most pusillanimous reigns could not impose silence on her accusations, nor lull asleep her hatred. In her eyes the French people were always the same; they only wanted circumstances and a chief, to resume the name of Great.-A total subversion was necessary to the project of England; she wished for a bloody revolution, because her own had b cruel, and because, amidst our discord, it struck at, with the same sword, both our industry and our institutions; both the conquerors and the conquered; both the people and the dynasty. All Europe was summoned to this work of destruction: every where repulsed-very where threatened-trembling for herself she stopped short in presence of the conflagration lighted up by the fire-brands of the British Cabinet. At last, after ten

the genius of order advanced with a step equal to that of armies, it would no longer have been war, but anarchy and death which the 18th century had bequeathed to its successors.-Does the conqueror perceive from the height of his car, nations united by ancient habits; he seeks out faithful princes, be creates for them common interests, he entrusts to them the destinies of those regenerated states of which he has declared himself the protectorBut where all forms of Government hare been tried in vain; where the aggrega

ent principles of adhesion to form masses, where localities would infallibly subject men and things to the direct action of avarice, of the attacks or intrigues of the eternal enemies of France; there the interest of the empire commands the union to the victorious nation of those portions of its conquests, to prevent their inevitable dissolution.-And in the deliberation in which you are occupied, the question should be put thus: Holland and the Hanse Towns being incapable of existing by themselves, ought they to belong to England or to France ?-We shall search in vain for a third alternative. That inheritance of rivalry, always increasing by the importance of the interests, as well as by that of the masses; our generation, Senators, has succeeded to, without being able to reject a single portion of it.It is no longer two armies who combat on the plains of Fontenoy; it is the empire of the

seas which still resists that of the Conti-, code; and that code shall be the pallanent a memorable, a terrible struggle, dium of the seas.-Let England abjure and of which the catastrophe, perhaps, her madness; let her reinstate neutrals not far distant, will long occupy the in their rights: justice has never ceased attention of future generations.--Let to demand this of her. If she had not us listen to the political writers of Eng rejected the counsels and the offers of land; their alarms confirm this truth, moderation, what dreadful consequences still less, however, than the desperate might she not have avoided! And to conmeasures of its government: if it were fine ourselves to the subject of our present not led on by the imminence of its dan-deliberation, she would not have forced ger, would it have dared, in the presence of civilized Europe, to tear the compact of honour and of eternal justice which connected neutral Powers with the Belligerents? One would believe, in reading the acts of the English Ministry, that the law of nations exists no longer; and who, then, has substituted for its immutable principles the excesses and the violence of barbarism England. So early as 1756, her first attempts upon the imprescriptable rights of nations compelled Sweden and Denmark to defend them by the development of an armed neutrality. Some years later, the 28th February, 1780, England pushing her endeavours still farther, Russia saw no safety for the honour of nations and that of Sovereign but in a public exposition of the maxims acknowledged by all civilised people; she proclaimed the conditions on which her neutrality was to depend: That

ural ships should navigate freely, from port to port, and on the coasts of nations at war. That property belonging to the subjects of powers at war, should be free on board neutral ships, with the exception of contraband. That to determine what characterises a blockaded port, that designation should only be given to such into which there was an evident danger of entering, in consequence of the ships of the attacking power being stationary and sufficiently near.'-Such were literally the declarations in which the Cabinet of St. Petersburgh laid down the rights of all Sovereigns.-England replied by throwing off the mask; and signified to the States of Holland, that the flag does not cover the property. From that period she thought herself able, without danger as without obstacle, to give full swing to her usurpations.-It was necessary to wait for a period when powerful reprisals would compel her to return to justice.That day is arrived; the decrees of Berlin and Milan are the reply to her Orders in Council. The British Cabinet has, so to speak, dictated them to France.-Europe receives them for her

France to enrich herself by the ports and the arsenals of Holland; the Ems the Weser, and the Elbe, would not have flowed under our dominion; and we should not have seen the first country of the Gauls washed by rivers united by an internal navigation to seas which were unknown to them.-Where still are the boundaries of posibility? Let England answer it. Let her meditate on the past, let her learn the future. France and Napoleon will never change.-Your Committee unanimously propose that the Senatus Consultum be adopted."

ENGLAND.-The Regency.-—Answers of the Prince of Wales and the Queen to the Deputations from the Houses of Lords and Commons, presenting to them their Resolu tions, relative to the Regency.Friday, 11th January, 1811.

At two o'clock precisely, the deputation from the two Houses went up to Carlton House to present to his Royal Highness the Resolutions to which the two Houses, after long discussion, had agreed. The Lords and Gentlemen, all in full dress, were ushered through the superb suite of rooms to the Drawing Room, where his Royal Highness stood. His Chancellor, William Adam, esq. and earl Moira on his right hand; the Duke of Cumberland and Mr. Sheridan on his left; behind him four Officers of his Household, Mr. Tyrwhitt, Colonel Macmahon, Colonel Bloomfield, and General Turner. The deputation advanced according to their order of precedency. The Lord President, the Lord Privy Seal, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. Secretary Ryder, the President of the Board of Controul, and the Master of the Rolls; and they made the usual reverences.-The Lord President then read from a paper in his hand: That they were a Committee appointed to attend his Royal Highness with the Resolutions which had been agreed to by the Lords and Commons, for the purpose of supplying the defect of the personal exercise of the

most Excellent Majesty, together with the sole direction of such portion of his Majesty's Household as shall be thought requisite for the care of his person, and that, for the better enabling her Majesty to discharge this important task, it is also expedient, that a Council shall be appointed to advise and assist her Majesty in the several matters aforesaid; and with power, from time to time, as they may see cause, to examine, upon oath, the Physicians and others attending his Majesty's person, touching the state of his Majesty's health, and all matters relative thereto.

returned the following most gracious AnTo which Address his Royal Highness