nation; it is with disgust and dismay that I perceive that, from a singular combination of circumstances, England is assisting in her own overthrow; that she has ceased to act for herself; that she has placed herself in an auxiliary and secondary position - auxiliary and secondary to the very power who can only become supreme by her abasement; that she is, in fact, playing the part of Sancho to the revolutionary Quixote. She will have to endure the blows, while her ally reaps the profit and the glory; and if, at last, they condescend to leave her the nominal government of her own little Barataria, she will find that even there she is no longer mistress, but, in fact, the slave of the servants which her great neighbour will place about her.

A wily politician

the personification of that lame and shuffling policy, which, though it can neither walk upright, nor tread firmly, is admirably fitted for the souterrains of a crooked diplomacy - this wily politician has taken advantage of our internal divisions, and would persuade us, that as the situations of France and England are unhappily become so similar, our interests must be the same. I deplore these divisions, but I am not appalled by them. I am convinced, that with an able administration, no injurious change could

occur in this country. I have confidence in the genius of the people. I am neither Whig nor Tory. My politics are described by one word, and that word is ENGLAND. I am one of the people, and I am all for the people; but the people is not merely the populace. The divisions in England are in some degree occasioned by the personal distress of great masses of the nation; but the main and most alarming cause is the alliance which party politics have created between the Ministry and the Agitators - between the Government and the enemies of all government. But the mal-aise of France is not occasioned either by distress among the people, or by an alliance between the mob and the Ministers; quite the reverse; but is caused by intrigues which have, for their object, the disturbance and humiliation of all other countries. Never was France more prosperous than at the period of the occurrence of those three glorious and beautiful days, which every actor in them now thinks of with a sneer, or with a sigh.

It is curious to trace the judicious succession of phrases, with which those remarkable achievements have been gradually described by their perpetrators. At first they were never mentioned, but as "the three glorious days of the 27th, 28th,

"la grande semaine." Then it was "the glorious Revolution;" and in another month, "the last Revolution." In a short time, the Revolutionists found out it was no revolution at all; but unwilling, at once, to confess they had been duped, they talked of "the glorious event." Of late even this miserable mask has fallen off, and now all shrug their shoulders over "les évènemens de Juillet."

I wish that whatever changes are to take place in this country should be made from our own judgment, and not in imitation of foreign action, and from the suggestion of foreign actors. It is unbecoming a nation, whose proud destiny it has ever been to be a model, to become a copyist. Let no change be made that is not demanded by urgent and inevitable necessity: let whatever is done be in unison with the ancient genius of the people with those national characteristics which are entirely overlooked in the vapid generalisations of la clique Doctrinaire, and let us not barter our golden liberty for the tinsel of Equality.

CAUSES OF THE PRESENT UNNATURAL CONNECTION BETWEEN ENGLAND AND FRANCE.

AN hereditary enmity between two nations! it is a barbarous idea, it is cruel, it is anti-Christian. No doubt but is it true? That is the only consideration for the statesman. The philanthropist may deplore it, and may anticipate a more Utopian æra; the politician is only to ascertain the exact situation of circumstances, and to regulate his conduct accordingly.

No one who has studied the character of the French people with the unimpassioned sagacity that becomes one who pretends to the reputation of a statesman, can doubt that the resolution to humble the situation of England is rooted in the heart of our neighbours. To simplify the discussion, and to do justice to our own countrymen, I will willingly admit that this inimical feeling is not mutual. It is enough for my argument if it only exist on one side. In expressing my conviction of the unhappy truth of this assertion,

sonal observation, and an enlarged experience of the sentiments of all parties in France, to which, by various accidents, I happened to have the means of intimate access; but I wish not to stand on the narrow ground of personal assertion. I will proceed, therefore, to the proof of what I have thus ventured to state.

There is no one I presume at the present day sufficiently bold to maintain, that we possess any more efficient, or more certain, method of ascertaining public opinion in France, than by its organs in the public press.

I will not quote from the journals of the Mouvement, nor copy the passionate tirades of the impetuous Mauguin, or the delenda-Carthago perorations of the fiery Lamarque; but I will take the Gazette de France: the organ of the Royalist party. It is a journal of immense circulation and influence. It possesses 15,000 subscribers in Paris, and has organised a variety of branch gazettes in the provinces; the aggregate of whose subscriptions is nearly double those of the capital. Since the events of July, the Gazette de France has vigorously affected a national character, and seizes every opportunity of enlisting the passions of the people under the colours of its party. We should be aware, therefore, that to