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[No. 5144.]

TWO LETTERS FROM ROBERT MORRIS.

In the First He Dwells Upon the Necessity of Taxes and Resents
the Imputation He Has Speculated in the Public Bills; in the
Second He Urges Economy and Reduction in the National
Expenses.
Circular

Office of Finance, 28th July, 1783.

Sir, Having already transmitted the Public Accounts, from the Commencement of my Administration to the first Day of this Month, I shall not trouble your Excellency with a Repetition of them. Perhaps this Letter may contain too much of Egotism, but your Candor will excuse me when the Motive is known. If I have rendered any Services to the United States, they have been derived from the generous Confidence of my Countrymen. This Confidence must not be abused, and if it be lost my utility is at an End.

The Accounts will shew, to any informed and reflecting Mind, that the Public Monies were Oeconomically applied; and if farther Proof were necessary, I could appeal to the Honorable Delegates in Congress, who have every Opportunity of Investigation. I might also appeal to the Clamors against me for opposing Claims I could not properly comply with. Long have I been the object of Enmities derived from that Origin. I have, therefore, the Right to consider such Clamors and such Enmities, as the Confession and the Evidence of my Care and Attention.

But, Sir, from the same Accounts it will appear, that, on the thirtieth Day of June last, my Payments had exceeded the Amount of my Receipts by more than a Million of Dollars. How indeed could it be otherwise, when all the Taxes brought into the Treasury since 1781 did not Amount to seven hundred and fifty

thousand Dollars? I have been propelled to this heavy Anticipation, by an earnest Desire to relieve our Army, by the General's warm representations on the Subject, and, above all, by the direc tions of Congress and their Assurances of Support. The enclosed Letter to them, will shew my Desire to reduce our Expences. But while I urge the Reduction of Expence, it is equally my Duty to urge an Increase of Revenue. If I have been a faithful Steward of what was entrusted to me, if more became necessary than I ever received, and if urged by that necessity I have anticipated the Receipts, surely I am in the strictest Line of Pro priety when I loudly call for Relief. Every one must know, that the Paper I have circulated will lose its Value, unless punctually redeemed. The several Receivers are indeed instructed to exchange it. But what can that Instruction avail if Specie be not placed in their Hands for the Purpose? And how can that be effected but by a vigorous Collection of Taxes?

I know that my Solicitude, on this Subject will be charged to improper Motives; when I urge a Reduction of Expence it will be said that I wish to impair the Strength and lessen the Respectability of our Country. Far other Wishes swell my Bosom. But I have been driven into a Conviction, that the Necessity of Strength and the Advantages of Reputation, are not yet sufficiently felt and understood by all the Members of our Federal Union.

My present Call for Taxes has also been Anticipated by Slanderous Report that I have Speculated on this very Paper which I urge the Redemption of. Most solemnly I declare that I have never been concerned, directly or indirectly in any such Speculation. If there be a Man in the World who knows any Instance to disprove what I say let him step forth with the Accusation.

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No Sir, the Object is in nowise a personal one to me. Advocate the Interest and Reputation of America. If with a View to injure me the Attempt is made to violate my Engagements, the Malice will be defeated; but at the same time let it be remembered, that the Country which will not support its faithful Servants, can never be faithfully served. Guilt and Desperation will ever pant for Scenes of Tumult and Disorder, Office will ever excite Envy, and Malevolence delight in Slanderous Tales. Is it then to be wondered at if my Foes are numerous? Believe me, Sir, if their Attempts had only affected me and mine, they should have been received in the same silence, which has buried many other Wrongs. But on the present Occasion it becomes my Duty to delineate their baneful influence.

Pains are taken to cover with Infamy all those who discount the public Paper. The natural Effect of this Measure is to prevent those Men from medling with it who from a regard to their own Reputation would do the Business on moderate Terins. Hence it follows, that the Holders cannot obtain so much of their Paper as they otherwise might. Hence again an Additional Clamor and of Course an additional Loss to the Possessors. On the Basis of the Depreciation, is founded an Argument to prevent the Redemption. By these Means the Public Credit is totally ruined, and the Government becomes chargeable with flagrant Injustice. No future Anticipations can be made, to supply the most urgent Wants; and in the whole proceeding those are made the Victims, who confided in the Faith of Government.

The attempt, therefore, by this slander to injure me, is an Injury to those who have received my Paper; and in every Instance where they have joined in propagating the Report, they have joined their Enemies to plunder themselves. Let me no

longer Intrude on your Excellency's Patience than to declare. my Convictions, that the States might easily fulfil far more extensive Engagements than those which I have made on their Account. Notwithstanding every Insinuation I will continue my Efforts for the Purpose, and tho' base Minds should reiterate their Charges, I will persist in my Duty and defy their Malice.

With perfect Respect, I have the Honor to be, Sir, Your Excellency's most Obedient and Humble Servant

His Excellency The Governor of New York.

Robt. Morris.

ROBERT MORRIS TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS, WHO FORWARDS
THE COMMUNICATION TO THE GOVERNORS OF STATES.

Office of Finance, 28th July, 1783.

Sir, Conceiving it to be almost certain that a Definitive Treaty of Peace is concluded I am bound to request the Attention of Congress towards reducing their expenses. It is unnecessary to repeat that our Resources for absorbing the Anticipations depend on the Produce of Taxation. There is no Hope of fulfilling the public Engagements but by a strict Oeconomy for there is no Evidence of that Energy among the States which the Act of Congress of the second of May was framed to inspire. Let me therefore repeat my Request that the public Expences be greatly reduced. The Number of Men which it may be necessary to keep in the Field I cannot presume to name, as it is a Military Question, but it would best consist with the present State of my Department to disband the whole.

Your Excellency will easily conceive the Situation to which I am compelled to withhold assent to a moderate Demand of the Secertary of War for building Magazines to preserve the public Stores. It is certainly of Importance that Arsenals should be

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erected in such proper Places as to provide for the public Defence. But the Reasons against advancing Money are incontrovertibleCongress know the Extent of my Engagements for the discharging of which they have solemnly pledged themselves. Congress know also that the States do not furnish Means. They will perceive, therefore, that I should wantonly Sacrifice their Honor and Dignity would I form new Engagements before the old are satisfied.

I know, Sir, that many of the Stores may be wasted and destroyed from the want of Magazines and that if they are sold it will be to a considerable Loss. But such Loss must be added to the Mass of Injuries America has already sustained by not complying with the Requisition of Congress. It is a Loss which in its Consequences must fall upon the States themselves who are the immediate Authors of it; but if the Engagements already taken are violated by applying Money to other Purposes then the Honor of Congress will be sacrificed together with the Property of those who rely on it.

I should not, Sir, have dwelt so long on this small Circumstance if it did not serve to impress the true Object of my Letter, a Reduction of National Expence. And here let me Notice what has often been mentioned, the Expence of the civil List. If in this general Term of civil List are comprehended the public Servants abroad, I freely acknowledge my Opinion it might be curtailed. But the Foreign Affairs not being within my Line this Sentiment is expressed with all possible Deference.

Our domestic civil List consists of two Parts: First, that which is engaged in settling and adjusting old accounts and Secondly, that which is employed in present objects. The first is rendered necessary by the Confusions which arose before regular Systems were established; but it is of a temporary Nature and can never

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