ACTIONS AT SEA

BETWEEN THE NAVIES OF GREAT BRITAIN AND THE UNITED STATES,

FROM AUGUST 12, 1812, TO MARCH 23, 1814.

Total loss of men,

Amer. 1,749

Br 4.867

FROM THE TREATY OF GHENT TO THE PRESENT TIME.

We come now to consider, not a series of victories springing out of bloodshed, but some of the more truly ennobling and substantial triumphs which arise from an uninterrupted season of peace. One of the most liberal and enlighted of monarchs [Louis Philippe] has declared it his deliberate conviction that no serious collision between civilized nations can ever again occur. Looking abroad upon the world with a serene eye and mature judgment, he cannot but feel persuaded that the present mental superiority of mankind over former ages, will forbid the toleration hereafter of anything like the barbarism called war. We may at least be alowed to hope that he is right.

At the close of the struggle of 1812, the people of the United States ound that, if they had accomplished all for which they began the contest, they had also materially crippled themselves; that although their bravery in battle and moderation in victory was now more firmly than ever established, those laurels constituted all that they had won. In return for which, they had increased their public debt an hundred millions of dollars; had completely deranged the monetary affairs of the country, overturned their general credit, and destroyed entirely the banking system of the nation. Innumerable failures had taken place in the eastern and middle states; and great dissatisfaction among the people resulted from certain swindling operations which had taken place by means of private banks and speculating brokers. Without a reliable currency, the circulation of specie being of course very limited, the commerce of the nation was in a fair way to experience a perfect paralyzation..

To remedy these evils, Congress deemed it expedient and necessary to provide for the establishment of a new national bank, the old one having expired with the year 1810, by limitation of its charter. It was therefore enacted, after a most strenuous opposition, that a bank should be organized, to continue twenty-one years from the 1st of July, 1816, having for its capital thirty-five millions of dollars. The labours of this great monied corporation were in the beginning, doubtless, highly beneficial to the country; but that it subsequently became a very dangerous monopoly, whose workings were at the least not beneficial to society, is strenuously maintained by the party now holding the reins of government, while the contrary is as strongly maintained by its opponents.

The next subject that engrossed the attention of Congress, was a revision of the duties on goods imported. In forming the new tariff, a judicious attention was given to protect domestic manufactures, without at the same time injuring the national revenue, or lessening, by over-indulgence, the industry and economy requisite to their full success. The double war imposts were, with few exceptions, reduced; but a large increase was made to the duties on some fabrics, particularly cotton cloths of a coarse description, especially when imported from the East Indies, where those articles are manufactured by persons contented with daily wages not exceeding a few cents, and from a material not grown in the United States. It is but justice here to state, that the regulation of the ariff would probably never have been quite as favourable as it is to the interests of the home manufacturers of this country, were it not for an untiring vigilance in their behalf, on the part of the Hon. H. CLAY, Of Kentucky, which has won for him the distinguished title of "Champion of the American system." This is the more remarkable, as he is from a section of country not likely to engage extensively in manufactures, and not generally allowed much credit as being particularly favourable to the eastern interests. If this truly great man is for his patriotism immolated

upon the altar of sectional partizanship, as at present seems most probable he will be, posterity, at least, will do his memory justice.

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In the autumn of 1816, another election for president took place. James Monroe, of Virginia, was chosen without much opposition; and at the same time with him, Daniel D. Tompkins, of New York, to fill the second office. Very few political changes occurred to disturb the quiet course of his administration: the same vice-president served with him eight years --and his official advisers were continued, with scarce an interruption, for a like length of time. John Quincy Adams, of Massachusetts, Secretary of State; William H. Crawford, of Georgia, Secretary of the Treasury; John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina, Secretary of War; Smith Thompson, of New-York, Secretary of the Navy; John M'Lean, of Ohio, Post-Master General; Richard Rush, of Pennsylvania, Attorney General.

For some years after the conclusion of the war, the foreign and domestic trade of the United States continued to be variable and unprofitable. The channels of consumption at home became gradually filled to repletion: while the universal peace of Europe enabled its producers to raise their own supplies, instead of calling upon the American market. Peace also allowed the ships of every nation to be its own carriers, and foreign merchants to do their own trading: the flag of the United States was no longer an agent between belligerents, nor were American ports now, as heretofore, the general entrepôts of the world. The terms of freight rapidly declined, vessels rotted in their harbours, and warehouses groaned under the stagnant pressure of accumulating merchandize. Internal traffic was not sufficient to employ the numerous individuals formerly engaged in the different pursuits of trade. Competition became excessive; and disappointment and distress very prevalent.

The public revenue could not escape being impaired by such multifarious embarrassments: it became every day more inadequate to meet the usual expenditures-in addition to which, moreover, calls for an enormous amount, from a new source, had lately been made. By an act of Con gress, in 1818, a yearly pension sufficient for their decent maintenance had been granted to those officers and privates who had served for three successive years in the war of the revolution. More than thirty thousand of that venerable army made application for relief-and several millions of dollars were required annually to satisfy their claims. Money, in consequence, had to be obtained by loans; and various public expenses were necessarily curtailed, and the army and navy reduced. This state of things of course could not last; and we shall have presently occasion to turn over a new leaf, and consider a more encouraging picture of American affairs.

In the winter of 1819, the country was deprived of the services of Commodore Perry, who fell a victim to the climate of Trinidad, while on a cruize: and in the following spring, Decatur was killed in a duel, near Washington, by Commodore Barron. In the year 1820, under the favouring auspices of President Monroe, a society for colonizing free people of colour began a settlement at Sierra Leone, on the coast of Africa, with a view to the final extinguishment of slavery in the United States. The tract has a good harbour, is high, fertile, and the healthiest in that region. It has since been called Liberia. No pains have been spared by the company to induce immigration to their coiony, to render it thriving and successful, or to forward the laudable ultimate object with which they began the enterprize.

In 1821, the territory of Florida was ceded to the United States, by Spain, in compensation for spoliations upon American commerce to the amount of five millions of dollars. General Jackson was appointed first governor of Florida, and the unsettled, semi-savage state of the population was such as to require the greatest energy and decision to enforce respect

for the laws among them. A tedious and distressing predatory warfare was for years waged against the new settlers by savages inhabiting its inaccessible swamps and secure fastnesses. The U. S. troops seemed to be set at defiance, until the hostile tribes came out from their concealments in the everglades, and consented to remove beyond the Mississippi. A deputation' of the Seminoles has lately returned from their new place of abode in the far west with such flattering accounts of the desirable nature of their possessions, that they will doubtless persuade the few straggling bands remaining in Florida to accompany them on their return home.

In the spring of 1822, the independence of the South American republics, and also that of the state of Mexico, was recognized by the U. S. Congress, and an appropriation made to defray the expenses of establishing with them a diplomatic intercourse. The European powers at length, very slowly and cautiously, adopted a similar course: and the several small republics are still existing, though their governments are unsettled, and internal discord, attended with effusion of blood, appears to prevail among them. Spanish influence, subjugation to a tyrannous priesthood or other causes, may induce this sad state of their affairs.

About this time the U. S government signalized itself by a series of vigorous and successful efforts against certain bands of lawless piratical marauders; these had for a long time infested the numerous shallow bays and inlets which indent the different West India islands, and were frequently guilty of cruel and cold-blooded murder, besides destroying much property and causing otherwise great annoyance and distress. All attempts to crush them were at the first futile, owing to their extensive and well-disposed arrangements for self-protection; none of the cutters constructed for war service were sufficiently light or swift to chase them with any success, and an ordinary craft of any description could not be made to penetrate into their recesses. The government accordingly had prepared ten small vessels, which, together with a sloop of war, a steam galliot, and the frigate Congress, were dispatched into the neighbourhood of their haunts. So actively was this matter then prosecuted, that in less than six months not a freebooter could be heard of on the coast of either Cuba or St. Domingo, or about the Keys of Florida, where formerly they had swarmed.

In August, 1824, General La Fayette arrived in the city of New-York, on a visit to the United States. In returning to America, near half a century from the period of his military career, and at the age of sixty-seven, La Fayette could hope to meet but few of his former associates in arm's. Most of them had certainly found rest in the grave. A new generation had risen to manhood, a new army had re-crimsoned with their blood the soil which he had assisted to set free, and a third generation were springing up before him. On approaching the American shores he was equally surprised and delighted. History furnishes no record of an individual receiving so unusual and spontaneous a demonstration of respect. At the entrance of New-York bay, he was received by Governor Tompkins, who conveyed him to his private residence on Staten Island; the day follow ing, business was suspended in the city, and the illustrious guest was welcomed with the roar of cannon, the ringing of bells, the parade of the military, and every demonstration of joy. It was estimated that not less than fifty thousand persons were assembled in the vicinity of the Battery to witness his arrival. Nor did these flattering manifestations then cease; they accompanied him in all his extended journeyings through the Union. And when at length his tour of observation ended, in the city of Washington, on the 10th of December following, the president in his message referred to the services of the distinguished stranger, and his present somewhat dependent circumstances in life, at the same time recommending Congress to take in consideration the matter, and make some provision

to be tendered the hero which would be worthy his acceptance and the character of the American people. A committee of the senate, to whom the subject was referred, reported two resolutions; the first granting him two hundred thousand dollars in money; the other, a township of six miles square, of any of the unappropriated lands which the president should direct. These resolutions encountered considerable opposition, but were both finally passed by very respectable majorities, and were presented to the general by a joint committee, accompanied with a complimentary address.

Since the conclusion of peace in 1815, the state of New-York has been busily engaged with her favourite designs of internal improvement. Canals were early proposed from the Hudson river to Lake Champlain, and from Albany to Lake Erie; the attention of scientific and public-spirited men was occupied with the subject, and commissioners were appointed by the legislature to investigate carefully the propositions. It was reported, that the objects were calculated to be of the greatest utility, but that the estimated expense was too great for individuals or private corporations to undertake; and that the national government or state legislatures ought only to attempt them. De Witt Clinton, the giant mover of the principal enterprise, it is said, consulted Ex-president Jefferson with a view to obtain his weighty opinion in favour of the project. The venerable statesman could not then, see things in the same light with Governor Clinton he replied, "Your plan is a noble one-magnificent-and may pe carried into effect a hundred years hence." Nevertheless, the Clintonians persevered, and in October, 1825, was completed the grandest work of internal improvement then anywhere, perhaps, projected. The Erie Canal is of itself three hundred and sixty-three miles in length, and connects the great lakes with the Atlantic Ocean. It cost upwards of seven millions of dollars, and was constructed by the state alone; yet its annual revenues have long since extinguished the debt, and it is now referred to as a most splendid and perfectly successful operation.

At the commencement of 1825, closed the very successful and prosperous, because peaceful, eight years' presidency of James Monroe. He had paid off sixty millions of the national debt-had peaceably acquired the important territory of Florida-and had seen established our national limits toward the west, on the Pacific ocean. Internal taxes were repeal ed, the military establishment reduced to its narrowest limits of efficiency, the organization of the army improved, the independence of the South American republics recognized, progress made in the suppression of the slave trade, and the civilization of the Indians advanced as far as practicable. Four candidates were set up to succeed Mr. Monroe in the presidential chair; they were John Quincy Adams, Andrew Jackson, Henry Clay, and Wm. H. Crawford. These were severally voted for by their par tizans, and the election was warmly contested; but no one candidate receiving a legal majority of votes, the power of choice passed from the college of electors into the House of Representatives. Here, John Quincy Adams was chosen.

Mr. Adams, in his inaugural address, declared that he should endeavour to exercise something like magnanimity in his public acts, discarding every remnant of political rancour, and yielding only to talents and virtue that confidence which is too often bestowed upon those whose greates claim is their subserviency to party purposes. We believe his pledge was well redeemed. The gentlemen composing his cabinet were the following named: - John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina, Vice President. Henry Clay, of Kentucky, Secretary of State; Richard Rush, of Pennsylvania Secretary of the Treasury; James Barbour, of Virginia, Secretary of War Samuel L. Southard, of New Jersey, Secretary of the Navy; William Wirt