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act to the constitutions of the empire, and summoned the meeting of the Champ de Mai, which accepted that act, June 1. As we gave in the “History of England," a succinct account of the operations of the French and allied armies, which ended in the battle of Waterloo, as also the deportation of Napoleon to St. Helena, and the events which immediately followed the second restoration of Louis XVIII., we shall not repeat them in this place, but carry on our narrative to the period when the two chambers passed the law of amnesty proposed by the king, by which all those who had voted for the death of Louis XVI., or had accepted offices from Napoleon, during the “hundred days," were forever banished from the kingdom. With the evacuation of the French territory by foreign troops, which was determined on by the congress of Aix-la-Chapelle, the 9th of October, 1818, and accomplished in the course of the same year, was connected the payment of the expenses of the war, and of the individual claims of the subjects of foreign powers on the French government and nation. Here French diplomacy was successful, and a small proportion of the real claims was accepted as a liquidation. France was admitted into alliance with the great European powers, and the French cabinet entered deeply into the continental system. But the return of France to the ancien regime, was far from satisfactory to the bulk of the people; and the government was kept in a continual state of oscillation now a set of ultra-royalists, and now the liberal party, directing the na tional councils. Under these circumstances much acrimonious discussion took place in the chambers, and the sessions of 1819 and 1820 were agitated by the most violent conflicts. The parties attacked each other with reciprocal accusations, and, in February, 1820, the assassination of the duke of Berri, by Louvel (who, to the last moment of his life, expressed his fierce hatred of the whole Bourbon race) drew forth the most virulent accusations from the extreme right. The minister Decazes re signed, and the duke of Richelieu succeeded him. A new law of election was carried, amid the most violent opposition on the part of the doctrinaires (members who defended a consistent maintenance of the principles of the charte) and the liberals. Many officers of government, by their writings, and in their places as deputies, opposed the new system; so that, with every new ministry, there were numerous dismissions, and many names were even erased from the army rolls for political opinions. It was evident, indeed, that conspirators were employed to excite the troops to a revolt, and some were tried, found guilty, and suffered the penalty due to treason.
The king opened the session of 1823 with a speech announcing the march of 100,000 French troops to Spain. He was alarmed for the safety of France by the revolutionary movements of his neighbours; and this army, which was commanded by the duke of Angoulême, was sent expressly to restore the royal authority. The invaders encountered no effective opposition; the cortes fled before them to Cadiz; and when King Ferdinand approached that city, they permitted him to resume his despotic sway. During the last few years of the reign of Louis XVIII., he was much enfeebled by disease, and, consequently, unable to act with the en: ergy necessary for establishing a firm and, at the same time, a conciliatory government. He died in September, 1824, nine years subsequent to his restoration.
On the accession of Charles X., brother of the deceased king he declared his intention of confirming the charter, appointed the dauphin (duke of Angoulême) as member of the ministerial council, and suppressed the censorship of the public journals. Villèle was his prime minister. In May, 1826, the splendid coronation of Charles took place at Rheims, ac cording to ancient custom, with the addition, however, of the oath of the king to govern according to the charter.
On Lafayette's return from America in 1825, the citizens of Havre having received him with demonstrations of joy, the government manifested their resentment by ordering out the gen d'armes, who charged the multitude with drawn sabres. '. The influence of the jesuits was seen in the prosecution
Villèle, who had discernment enough to see to what this fanaticisin would lead, and who was, at the same time, obnoxious to the liberals, on account of his anti-constitutional principles, and his operations in the funds, became less secure. The parties assumed a more hostile attitude towards each other. The royalists and the supporters of the jesuits became more open in the expression of their real sentiments, the liberals became stronger and bolder; and the government assumed a tone ill calculated to conciliate its avowed opponents. On the opening of the session, Dec. 12, 1826, Damas, minister of foreign affairs, informed the chamber that all the continental powers had endeavoured to prevent the interference of Spain in the affairs of Portugal; that France had co-operated with them, had withdrawn her ambassador from Madrid, and had entered into arrangements with England to leave Portugal and Spain to settle their affairs in their own way. Several unpopular measures brought forward by the ministers, were after violent discussions rejected, among which was a proposed law, confirming the liberty of the press. The withdrawal of this by an ordinance was regarded as a popular triumph. This event was followed by the disbanding of the national guards of Paris, a body of 45,000 men, who, at a review at the Champ de Mars, had joined the cries of hatred against the ministry. This was a highly unpopular measure ;
peaching the ministers; but Villèle took credit to himself for having ventured upon a step which he knew to be unpopular, but considered necessary. Every proceeding, however, served to show that the ministerial party was gradually losing ground, and that no trifling concessions to their opponents would avail. While Charles was much more resolutely opposed to the prevalence of democratic principles than his brother, and yielded to the councils of priests who were intent on the restoration of the church to the power it possessed some centuries before, the people were taught to believe, and actually dreaded, that a plot was forming to deprive them of the constitutional privileges which they had gained after so long a struggle. Thus the nation became alienated from the court, and the court from the nation ; a new ministry was forced upon the king by the popular party, but they had neither the ability nor influence necessary for steering a safe course between the extremes of royal prerogative on one side, and popular encroachment on the other; the consequence was that both parties treated them as drivellers and incapables. In this state of feeling, Charles suddenly dismissed them, and entrusted the formation of
appointments were announced: Prince Polignac, minister of foreign af. fairs; M. Courvoisier, keeper of the seals and minister of justice; Count Bourmont, minister of war; Count de Bourdonaye, minister of the interior; Baron de Montbel, minister of ecclesiastical affairs and public instruction; and Count Chabrol de Crousol, minister of finance. To these was afterwards added M. d'Haussey, minister of marine and the colonies, in lieu of Admiral Count Rigny, who declined the offered portfolio. The ministry was ultra-royalist; and nothing could convince the democrats of the rec. titude of the intentions of either Charles or his ministers. And when it was seen that the king not only favoured the jesuits and monastic orders, but that he showed a marked dislike to those who had acquired eminence in the revolution, or under Napoleon, and that the rigid court-etiquette of former days was revived, they were ready to believe the most absurd ru. mours of his intended designs, not merely to crush the rising spirit of lib
erty, but to rule over France -with the most absolute despotism... The nobles had ceased in France to form an aristocracy. Their great numbers and little wealth, the mixture of political elements they presented; &c., had left the noblesse entirely without consequence, and it was apparen. from the first that neither the king nor Polignac comprehended the wishes or wants of the people, but trusted that something might arise to turn the popular current in their favour. .
A. D. 1830.-Though they knew not the signs of the times, they did not forget that. Frenchmen were notorious for their love of military glory. War was therefore declared against Algiers, on account of insults some time before offered to the French flag, and also to resent a personal indig. nity committed on the French consul by the dey, who struck him while at a public audience. An armament was accordingly prepared with extraordinary care, and the success which attended it corresponded with the exertions made to ensure it. On the 10th of May, the army, consisting of 37,577 infantry and 4000 horse, embarked at Toulon, and the fleet, consisting of ninety-seven vessels, of which eleven were ships of the line and twenty-four frigates, set sail. June 14, the army began to disembark at Sidi Ferrajh, on the coast of Africa. The city of Algiers was taken after a slight resistance, the dey was sent prisoner to Italy, and his vast treasures remained at the disposal of the conquerors. The maritime powers of Europe were naturally jealous at the establishment of French garrisons and colonies in northern Africa ; and to allay their suspicions, it was declared that the occupation of Algiers would be merely temporary; but the French nation became so infatuated with their conquest, that to the present hour Algeria is looked upon by them as a most important acquisi. tion, although it causes an enormous annual waste of blood and treasure, without conferring advantage either on Africa or on France. On the 17th of May appeared the royal ordinance dissolving the chambers; at the same time, new elections were ordered, and the two chambers convoked for August 3d. The Moniteur of June 15th contained a proclamation of the king, in which he called upon all Frenchmen to do their duty in the colleges, to rely upon his constitutional intentions, &c. In this proclamation are these remarkable words: “Electors, hasten to your colleges. Let no
ment animate you all; let one standard be your rallying point! It is your king who demands this of you, it is a father who calls upon you. Fulfil your duties. I will take care to fulfil mine." Though the success of the army in Algiers became known during the electoral struggle, and though all parties exulted in the success of the French arms, the ministry appeared to gain no popularity by it. All the returns of the new elections indicated a strong majority against the ministry, so that, in the beginning of July, men spoke of a change in the administration as a natural consequence. A blind infatuation seems to have possessed Polignac and his colleagues. They preferred to attack the charter, violate the social compact, and expose France to a civil war, rather than yield. During this time the king and queen of Naples visited Paris, and many festivals took place, strongly in contrast with the state of political affairs. The king also ordered Te Deum to be sung in all the churches of the kingdom for the victory of his army in Africa, the news of which reached Paris four days after the capture of Algiers. Had Charles X. dismisseå his obnoxsous ministers, and formed a cabinet of moderate men, the crisis would, in all probability, have passed over without danger. Instead of which, the ministers made a report to the king (July 26), setting forth at length the dangers of a free press, and calling upon him to suspend the liberty of the press. “The state," they said, “is in danger, and your majesty has the right to provide for its safety. No government can stand, if it has not the right to provide or its own safety; besides, the 8th article of the char