sary to carry the Shah Nujjeef, a domed mosque, which the enemy had converted into a strong fortress. "The storming of the Secunderbagh and the Shah Nujjeef," says Campbell in his order of the day, "has never been surpassed in daring, and the success of it was most brilliant and complete.”

'No further obstacle interposed between the besieged garrison and their countrymen coming to their aid, except a mess-house of considerable size, defended by a ditch and a loopholed mud wall; and this was attacked and stormed on the following day, after an hour of desperate conflict. And now the communication between the victorious army and the Residency was so complete, that Outram and Havelock came out to welcome Sir Colin before the mess-house was carried. It was a proud moment to the latter when he saw the relief of the garrison accomplished, after so long a period of agonizing suspense and so many desperate conflicts.'

Let us conclude this chapter with an ode written by the poet Collins in 1746 :—

'How sleep the brave who sink to rest,
By all their country's wishes blest!
When Spring, with dewy fingers cold,
Returns to deck their hallow'd mould,
She there shall dress a sweeter sod
Than Fancy's feet have ever trod.

'By Fairy hands their knell is rung,
By forms unseen their dirge is sung!
There Honour comes, a pilgrim grey,
To bless the turf that wraps their clay;
And Freedom shall awhile repair,
To dwell a weeping hermit there.'

John Hampden-Oliver Cromwell-Andrew Marvell-Earl of ChathamEdmund Burke-Henry Grattan-Charles James Fox - Richard Brinsley Sheridan-William Pitt-George Canning-Lord Brougham.

JOHN HAMPDEN.

HE name of Hampden is dear to every English patriot. His love of country was untainted by

selfishness; his resistance to authority unstained by crime; he pleaded and remonstrated against the encroachments of power, until pleading and remonstrance were disregarded; and he only resorted to arms when the liberties of his country were so endangered as to render it criminal to remain any longer passive.

John Hampden was descended from one of the most ancient families in Buckinghamshire. When he had attained his thirtieth year, he was chosen to represent his native county in Parliament, an event which roused to exertion those principles of virtue and patriotism which seemed latent in his character. He was consulted by the leading members of Parliament in all

the important points of opposition. It was Hampden's peculiar talent to act powerfully when he seemed most disengaged. He made no public figure, however, till 1636, when he became universally known by a solemn trial at the King's Bench, on his refusing to pay the ship-money. He carried himself, as Clarendon tells us, through this whole suit with such singular temper and modesty, that he obtained more credit and advantage by losing it than the king did service by gaining it. The infamous judgment given by the judges on this cause only roused the nation to a more serious attention to the conduct and views of the court, and encouraged those men of genius and abilities who laid the grounds for the succeeding revolution to concert measures how to improve, to an effectual height, the growing discontent. From this time Hampden soon grew to be one of the most popular men of the nation, and a leading member of the Long Parliament.

'The memorable crisis which gave birth to the civil war,' Lord Macaulay observes, 'called forth parliamentary abilities such as England had never before seen. Among the most distinguished members of the House of Commons were Falkland, Hyde, Digby, young Harry Vane, Oliver St. John, Denzil Hollis, Nathaniel Fiennes. But two men exercised a paramount influence over the Legislature and the countryPym and Hampden; and by the universal consent of friends and enemies, the first place belonged to Hampden.'

On occasions which required set speeches, Pym generally took the lead. Hampden very seldom rose till late in a debate. His speaking was of that kind which has, in every age, been held in the highest estimation by English Parliaments-ready, weighty, perspicuous, and condensed. His perception of the feeling of the House was exquisite, his temper unalterably

placid, his manner eminently courteous and gentlemanlike. 'Even with those,' says Clarendon, 'who were able to preserve themselves from his infusions, and who discerned those opinions to be fixed in him with which they could not comply, he always left the character of an ingenuous and conscientious person.' His talents for business were as remarkable as his talents for debate. 'He was,' says Clarendon, 'of an industry and vigilance not to be tired out or wearied by the most laborious, and of facts not to be imposed upon by the most subtle and sharp.'

Yet it was rather to his moral than to his intellectual qualities that he was indebted for the vast influence which he possessed. 'When this Parliament began'—we again quote Clarendon'the eyes of all men were fixed upon him as their pater patriæ, and the pilot that must steer the vessel through the tempests and rocks which threatened it. And I am persuaded his power and interest at that time were greater to do good or hurt than any man's in the kingdom, or than any man of his rank hath had in any time; for his reputation of honesty was universal, and his affections were so publicly guided, that no corrupt or private ends could bias them. . . . He was indeed a very wise man, and of great parts, and possessed with the most absolute spirit of popularity, and the most absolute faculties to govern the people, of any man I ever knew.'

Clarendon's portrait of Hampden, though marked with those partial lines which distinguished the hand of this historian, is the testimony of an enemy to virtues possessed only by the foremost rank of men. All the talents and virtues which render private life useful, amiable, and respectable, were united in Hampden, in the highest degree, with those excellencies which guide the jarring opinions of popular counsels to determine points; and, whilst he penetrated into the most secret designs

of other men, he never discovered more of his own inclinations than was necessary to the purpose in hand. In debate he was so much a master, that, joining the art of Socrates with the graces of Cicero, he fixed his own opinion under the modest guise of desiring to improve by that of others, and, contrary to the nature of disputes, left a pleasing impression, which prejudiced his antagonist in his favour, even when he had not convinced or altered his judgment. His behaviour was so generally uniform, and unaffectedly affable, and his conversation so enlivened by his vivacity, so seasoned by his knowledge and understanding, and so well applied to the genius, humour, and prejudices of those he conversed with, that his talents to gain popularity were absolute. With qualities of this high nature, he possessed in council penetration and discernment, with a sagacity on which no one could impose, an industry and vigilance which were indefatigable, with the entire command of his passions and affections,-an advantage which gave him a decided superiority over less regulated minds. Whilst there were any hopes that the administration of the country could be corrected without the entire overthrow of the constitution, Hampden chose, before other preferment, the superintendence of the prince's mind, aiming to correct the source from whence the happiness or misfortunes of the empire, if the government continued monarchical, must flow; but the aversion which the king discovered to those regulations which were necessary to secure the freedom of the constitution from any future attempt of the Crown, with the schemes he had entered on to punish the authors of reformation and rescind his concessions, determined the conduct of Hampden. Convinced that Charles' affections and understanding were too corrupt to be trusted with power in any degree, he sought the abolition of