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-Infueti miratur limen Olympi, ·Sub pedibufque videt muros, & rudera

The Preface opens his Defign very well: gives us the occafion of the Book; and how he was drawn infenfibly into fo vaft a Scheme, from at very narrow one. He began with fome brief Notes for private ufe. The Infcriptions which now make the fecond Book were the firft and principal point in view; the Geography, which makes the third part, is an Addition beyond what was firft intended, and has occafioned a great delay in its Publication. The pains the whole has coft him are incredible, Befide the ufual ones in the Study, he had additional Fatigues: feveral thoufand Miles were to be travell'd over, to vifit antient Monuments, and a great number of actual Surveys and Measurements to be made.

The Usefulness of the Study of antient Monuments is fhewn by the Author very fenfibly: To argue it" of no Importance to Mankind, "to know for inftance, whether a Roman Wall "paffed this way or that; or whether fuch a

Roman Infcription be to be read this way or "another!" he fhews, will hold equally against all fpeculative Learning: Half the Theorems in Philofophy and Mathematicks are fuch as it would be hard to fhew any particular advantage of; unless the Cultivation of the Mind in any refpect be reckon'd among real advantages. But the chief Fallacy on which the Objection is founded, is, that it takes but in a fmall part, yet draws a Conclufion concerning the whole. In a large Syftem the minuter parts are not to be confidered feparately, and their Importance meafured on fuch an abstract View; but the UsefulKk 3

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ness of the whole Design is firft to be regarded, and that of the leffer parts to be estimated as they contribute thereto. Thus a minute Inquiry into particular Circumftances of Time and Place, separately confider'd, appears a matter of no great moment; yet what is all Chronology and Geography, but a Collection of thefe digefted into a regular Body? Thus much

juft: the Sequel of his reafoning on this head, feems less conclufive; nor will weigh much with any but thofe already prepoffefs'd in favour of the Study: excepting, perhaps, a moral ufe which he fubjoins: "What, "in effect, can give us a more affecting Senfe of "the Vanity of the World, than to fee fuch "vaft Works, fuitable to fo powerful and ex"tenfive an Empire, all laid in Defolation, "and their very Ruins deftroy'd, Ipfe periere "Ruina !"

The Preface clofes with fome additional Remarks, which occurr'd to the Author, on his laft review of the printed Sheets; in which he brings new Confiderations, fometimes to fupport, fometimes to retract, fometimes to modify, what he had before advanced: Alfo fome Discoveries of Infcriptions, made fince his Book was compos'd This part, making fome twenty-feven Pages, we apprehend would have come more fuitably at the end of the Work, after the manner of a Postscript. It feems an Impropriety to join it with the Preface, to which it has no relation: nor will it be intelligible if read, as a Preface ought to be, before the Body of the Work.

We come now to the Work itself, which, as already intimated, confifts of three Books. Thefe, having no immediate Connexion with

each

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each other, we fhall confider feparately, con-.
fining our present Account to the first part, and
referving the reft for a future Journal.

The first Book is diftributed by the Author
into ten Chapters; the five first of which give
an account of the Roman Tranfactions in Bri-
tain, from the time the Ifland became firft known
to the Romans, to the time it was totally aban-
doned by them, divided under five periods. It
will not be expected we fhould enter into the De-
tail hereof; yet fomething it will be neceffary
to give, to fhow in what manner the Author
treats his Subject, and how he differs from others
who have touch'd on the fame part of our History
before. To do this, we fhall give a flight
sketch of the principal Points, and fingle out,
here and there, a Paffage by way of Specimen
of the rest..

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Julius Cæfar appears to have been the firft p. 2. Roman who made any hoftile attempt on Bri- Cæfar's tain; which, as fome Authors affirm, before Britain. Expedit.to him, was even unknown to the Romans His Motives, in this Expedition, are by fome attributed to the Profpect of getting large Pearls heret; Tacitus giving a hint, as if our Country at that time was famous on that fcore . But in reality we need feek no other motive of Cæfar's Undertaking, than Ambition and Glory; tho' he himself avows, as the chief reafon of his Expedition, that in almost all the Gallick Wars, the Britons had affifted the Enemy .

Before Cæfar fet out from Gaul, he fent C. p. 3: Volufinus to reconnoitre the British Coaft: then marching into the Country of the Morini, from whence the Paffage into Britain was the shortest,

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Sueton. Vit. Jul. Cæf. c. 25. + Sueton. ib. c. 47.
de Bell, Gall. 1.4. c. 18.

Tacit. Vit. Agric. c. 12.

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P. 7.

he receiv'd Embaffadors from the Britons, who being appriz'd of his Defign, fent to offer him their Submission. Thefe Cafar difmiffed civilly, and with them fent a Gaulish Prince, Comius, to make a Party in his behalf; and foon after embark'd himself, with two Legions of Foot, in eighty Transports, ordering his Horfe in eighteen more, to embark at a Port eight Miles off, and follow him. Arriving on the British Coaft, and finding the Natives up in arms, he fails eight Miles further, and with much difficulty, after a vigorous Oppofition from the Britons, lands his Army. The Britons retiring, fend their Embaffadors to offer Submiffion, and Hoftages; but understanding, foon after, that his Fleet had fuftain'd fome damage, and that he was ftreighten'd for Provifions, and wanted Horse; they attack him a-new; firft while his Legions are forraging, and again in his very Camp. Being repuls'd and purfued, and fire fet to their Houses, they fend new offers of Submiffion, and double the number of Hoftages; upon which Cæfar returns, with the first Wind, to Gaul.

The next Year he made a new attempt with Second De-a greater Force; a Fleet of eight hundred Sail, fcent on Britain. and five Legions, and two thousand Horfe on board. These failing from Portus Itius, land without oppofition, pursue the Britons, who had retir'd within the Country, and drive them from their Poft, behind a River, into a thick Wood. Being call'd back to refit his Fleet, which had again been much damaged; he marches towards the Britons again; who had now given the fupreme Command to Caffivellaun, King of the Trinobantes. Some of thefe, after other Skirmishes, attack the Roman Camp, furprizę

prize the Guard, and charging back again thro' two of the prime Cohorts fent to the relief of the Romans, make a fafe retreat. Next day three Legions with all the Horse, being attack'd at Forage, repulse, and pursue the Britons with confiderable Slaughter; who henceforward begin to abate of their Refiftance; and never attack the Romans more with all their Force, Cafar, on this, marches towards the Territories of Caffivellaun; fords the Thames, tho' fortified with Stakes, and defended by the Britons; waftes the Country; receives the firft Overture of a Surrender from the Trinobantes, and places over them a new King in Caffivellaun's ftead. The P ] other Nations following the example; he receives Hoftages from them; ftorms Caffivellaun's Town; and his Camp being attack'd by four Kings of Kent, the Romans repulfe them with Slaughter. Caffivellaun, caft down with Miffortunes, and chiefly by the defertion of his Allies, treats with Cafar on a Surrender, agrees to pay him Tribute, and give him Hoftages; who hereupon fails back to Gaul.

Thus ftands the Thread of this memorable Story; and thus much has already been elegantly enough described by Milton, and after him by Tyrrel, Rapin, and other popular Hiftorians, But their relation, it must be own'd, is defective, for want of the Circumftances of Time, Place, and other Particulars neceffary to authenticate and make it satisfactory; efpecially to the more knowing in History, who have long learnt to pay little regard to relations, that are not minutely circumstanc'd Here then Mr. Horley diftinguishes himself, having bent every Nerve, made ufe of every Light that Chronology, Aftronomy, or Criticifm, could fupply, in order

to

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