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in every instance, however, represent an actual place then existing need not be assumed. On these and other similar grounds, then, we are quite safe in accepting, with Ewald, De Wette, Fritzsche, Vaihinger, Hitzig, Nöldeke, Keil, Volkmar, and many others, the opinion that the Book of Judith was originally written in some dialect of the Hebrew language.

The Different Existing Texts.

Like the ancient Hebrew books of the Bible which had been translated into Greek by the Hellenistic Jews, the Book of Judith also, not long after its composition, was similarly honored, and after a time found a place in the Greek Bible. And although this Greek text has in the course of time been considerably modified in its form, it still maintains its place (in the absence of the original) as the purest, most exact and complete, representation of the same now in existence. In fact, considering that it is extant in different MSS., was the vulgar text of the early church, and has been subject to the vicissitudes of all such ancient works, the imperfections are no more numerous than might have been expected.

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According to Fritzsche (Einleit., p. 117, and Libri Apoc. Vet. Test., Præf., p. xviii), this text is to be found in its best form in II., far less pure in III. 52. and 55. Outside of these, the other MSS. range themselves as follows: on the one side, 44. 71. 74. 76. 106. 107. 236., and often 23.; on the other side, 64. 243. 248. 249., to which often 52. 55. and III. join themselves. The Complutensian and Aldine editions of the LXX. present a mixed text, made up from that found in both of the series of MSS. Each of these two families of codices has a text which, mainly for subjective reasons, has been much amended; the former, however, more than the latter. In connection with this common form of the Greek text, thus modified, there are also two other forms in which it has been transmitted in this language, - the one, as found in the MS. 58., which is followed by the Syriac and Old Latin versions; the other, in MSS. 19. and 108. These are not, however, to be looked upon as different recensions from the original, but simply as independent efforts to work over into a shape more acceptable to the person or persons concerned the ordinary Greek text. One among many proofs of this is the fact that all the Greek MSS., as well as the Syriac and Old Latin, have at chap. iii. 9, the reading Tоû πplovos instead of Toù Tedíov: the Greek translator having obviously, as we have shown under the last head, read the Hebrew at this point falsely. Nickes, with whom Volkmar agrees, differs somewhat from Fritzsche with respect to the value to be attached to the several MSS. According to him, the common Greek text is to be found in II. III. (23.) 52.55. Of the other MSS., 64. 243. 248. 249. belong together on the one side, and 44. 106. 71. 74. 76. 236. on the other. The MSS. 58. 19. 108. form a class by themselves; with which, moreover, the Old Latin and Syriac best agree.

The Vulgate, as the text which has been most used and translated, and been made the ground of comment, not only by Roman Catholics but by Protestants, down to a very late period, has attained to honors and a position quite undeserved. It is simply an arbitrary, and often extravagant, working over of the narrative on the basis of the Old Latin, which itself (as we have seen) is but an imperfect offspring of the Greek. The principal features of the story are indeed preserved; but within these limits the changes are numerous and important. There are, for example, alterations in the order of statement (chap. xiv. 5-10 stands at the close of chap. xiii.). Considerable is left out (i. 13-16); quite as much added (iv. 11 f.; xiv. 8 f.). The sense is sometimes essentially modified. Differences in names and numbers are quite noticeable. It is interesting, indeed, to observe more particularly what Jerome says of his own work in the preface to the same, as above quoted. He in substance remarks that it was reckoned by the Jews among apocryphal works (hagiographa. Cf. Credner, Geschichte des N. T. Kan., p. 309 ff.); that he himself held it in no great estimation, and could spare no time for a thorough handling of it. But inasmuch as some greatly prized the book, and it was used at the Nicene Council with the other Scriptures, he had done his friends the favor of editing it. Still, he had given it little attention (unam lucubratiunculam dedi); and it was necessarily so (sepositis occupationibus vehementer arctatus); moreover, quite proper, since the book had really no authority, and could not be used for teciding questions in dispute (cujus auctoritas ad roboranda ea, quæ in contentionem veniunt, minus idonea judicatur). He had not translated (non ex verbo verbum transferens), he adds, but simply given the sense (sensum e sensu), and that in a condensed form, hoping thus the more easily to overcome the difficulty arising from the many variations in the [Latin] MSS., and get at the meaning of his "Chaldaic "copy (multorum codicum varietatem vitiosissimam amvutavi, sola ea, quæ intelligentia integra in verbis Chaldæis invenire potui, Latinis expressi).

There is no evidence that Jerome made any use, in his superficial work, of Greek MSS., or much use of the "Chaldaic" of which he speaks. De Wette (Einleit., p. 576) says there is but one apparent instance of the latter. In chap. xvi. 3, he has in multitudine fortitudinis suce, while the Greek is év μupido duváμews avtoû, ʼn having seemingly been read instead of 27. In this chapter, elsewhere, his translation conforms almost literally to the Old Latin, while throughout the entire book parts of verses, peculiar constructions, noticeable words, furnish the unmistakable proof that his chief reliance was on his Latin MSS. Fritzsche mentions, indeed, as convincing evidence in this direction, the fact that quite a number of Latin forms and expressions are found in this translation of Jerome, which occur in none of his other works, and which may be traced directly to his Latin authorities (Einleit., p. 22). Some critics even doubt whether Jerome really had the book in a "Chaldaic" text before him at all. In addition to the positively adverse testimony of Origen, already noticed, it is thought that this father might have made the assertion as he seems not to have been above doing in other instances — simply for effect. (Cf. Volkmar, Einleit., p. 9.) Such a supposition would be, at least, scarcely less probable than that of Nickes, that the passage cited from Origen is an interpolation; or that of Scholz and Wolf, that a distinction is to be made between a " Chaldaic" and a "Hebrew" text, and that Origen speaks simply of not knowing of the existence of one of the latter kind. But the recent discovery of a Chaldaic text of Tobit, which may have been used by Jerome in his translation of that book, is indirectly corroborative of this father's assertion, and it will probably be no longer disputed.

Ecclesiastical Recognition.

By virtue of its connection with the other books of the Old Testament in the translation of the LXX., the work before us, like Tobit and the remaining apocryphal compositions, found its way into the Christian church. It seems to have been held in no little estimation, and to have been widely used. The fact that Josephus makes no reference to it has been improperly urged by some as certain evidence of late origin. It is first cited by Clement of Rome (i. 55). Clement of Alexandria, also, quotes it with respect. Jerome and Origen, however, as we have seen, were too well informed to concede to it canonicity. The unsupported assertion of Jerome, that it was used at the Nicene Council in numero Scripturarum, must not be taken for more than it is worth. Melito of Sardis does not place it in his list of the books of the Old Testament, which was that of the Palestinian LXX., i. e., the LXX. as revised from the Hebrew. The Apostolic Canons have been improperly cited in its favor (cf. art. " Apostol. Can.," in Dict. of Christian Antiq., p. 113). It was rejected by Cyril of Jerusalem and Athanasius, and Nicephorus placed it among the books "disputed," in his Stichometry. Hilary speaks of some who sought to make out twenty-four books in the Old Testament, corresponding to the number of letters in the Greek Alphabet, "by the addition of Tobit and Judith" (i. e., in place of Ruth and Lamentations). This may be taken as plain evidence that the work was sometimes assigned to an undeserved place, simply through the lack of knowledge and investigation. (Cf. Westcott, Bib. in Ch., p. 180). Ruffinus enumerates it among the books called "ecclesiastical," in distinction from "canonical." That now, notwithstanding so much uncertainty, and on the part of some decided opposition, the Book of Judith attained to the rank of a canonical work in the Western church, was evidently due not to the essential merit of the composition itself, or a knowledge of its history, but to the want of discrimination and conscientiousness on the part of those having to do with it. And that the Council of Trent should finally set its seal, not only on the book as such, but on Jerome's so-called translation of the same, as from that time to be and to be treated as of inspired authority throughout the Roman Catholic church, did not alter its essential character in any respect, or reverse the true verdict of history respecting it.

JUDITH.

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CHAPTER I.

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1 IN the twelfth year of the reign of Nabuchodonosor, who reigned over the Assyrians1 in Nineve, the great city, in the days of Arphaxad, who reigned over the 2 Medes in Ecbatana, and built at Ecbatana and round about it walls of hewn stones three cubits broad and six cubits long, and made the height of the wall 3 seventy cubits, and the breadth thereof fifty cubits, and set the towers thereof upon the gates of it, an hundred cubits high, and laid the foundation of them to the 4 breadth of threescore cubits, and made the gates thereof, even gates that were raised to the height of seventy cubits, and the breadth of them was forty cubits, for the going forth of his mighty armies, and for the setting in array of his footmen ; 5 even in those days the king Nabuchodonosor made war with king Arphaxad in the 6 great plain that is on 7 the borders of Ragau. And there allied themselves with him all they that dwelt in the hill country, and all that dwelt by the Euphrates, and the Tigris, and the Hydaspes, and in 10 the plain of Arioch the king of the Elymæans; and many 11 nations assembled themselves against the sons of Cheleud.12 7 And Nabuchodonosor the king of the Assyrians sent unto all that dwelt in Persia, and to all that dwelt westward, and to those that dwelt in Cilicia, and Damascus, 8 Libanus,18 and Antilibanus, and to all that dwelt upon the sea coast, and to those amongst the nations 1 that were of Carmelus, and Galaad, and the upper 15 Galilee, 9 and the great plain of Esdrelom, and to all that were in Samaria and the cities thereof, and beyond the 16 Jordan unto Jerusalem, and Betane, and Chelus," and Kades, and the river of Egypt, and Taphnas, 18 and Ramesse, and the whole 19 land of Gesem, 10 until you come above 20 Tanis and Memphis, and to all the inhabitants of Egypt, 11 until you come to the borders of Ethiopia. And 21 all the inhabitants of the whole earth 22 made light of the commandment of Nabuchodonosor king of the Assyrians, neither went they with him to the battle, for they were not afraid of him, but 23 he was before them as one man ; 24 and they sent back 25 his ambassadors from them 12 empty,26 and with disgrace. And " Nabuchodonosor was very angry with all this country, and swore by his throne and kingdom, that he would surely 29 be avenged upon all the borders of Cilicia, and Damascus, and Syria, that he would slay with his sword also all 31 the inhabitants of the land of Moab, and the children of Ammon, and all Judæa, and all that were in Egypt, till you come to the borders of 13 the two seas. And he put his army 82 in battle array against king Arphaxad in the

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Vers. 1-3.-1 A. V.: omits over the Assyrians ('Aσovpíwv, in nearly all the authorities, but not in 52. 64. 249. Co. Ald.). 2 which. 3 Ecbatane. 4 in Ecbatane walls round about of stones hewn (ér' 'E. Kai KUKλw, etc. The connective fails in III. 44. 64. 74. 106. 236. 243. 248. 249. Co. Ald.; 19. 108., "built Ecbatana and enclosed it with walls, etc.) the breadth thereof in the foundation. Fritzsche would emend the text. rec. by substituting avrov for avrηs, after #λáros, since the towers and not the city must be referred to. So, too, in ver. 4.

Vers. 4-8.6 A. V.: he made. 7 king N. ... . which is the plain in. (III. X. 52. 64. 243. 248. 249. Old Lat. Co. Ald. supply mediov. The text. rec. has simply Toûtó éσTIV.) 8 came unto (Gr., ovvývrnσav проя аνтóν; sее Com.). ǝ omits the. 10 omits in. 11 Ely means and very many. We omit σpódpa after woλλá, with II. III. X. Old Lat. 12 A. V. of the sons of Chelod, assembled themselves to battle (see Com.). For the reading xeλcoúd are III. 23. 44. 58. and many others. The form of the word in the text. rec. (and II.) is xedeoúd. 13 A. V. Then N. king. and Libanus. III. 19 58. 64. 74. 76. 108. Co. Ald. prefix κaí. 14 Instead of roîs čoveσt, which probably arose from a mistranslation (see Com.), Taîs róλeσw should probably be read. 15 A. V.: Carmel . . . . higher. Vers. 9-11.-16 A. V.: omits the. 17 Chellus (II. III. et al., Xeλoús). 18 Taphnes. 19 all the. 20 beyond 22 land (text. rec., пâσav тùν yîv; 19. 23. 58. 64. al. with Co. Ald. omit nâσav). 24 With Fritzsche, we adopt els after ws ȧvýp, from III. X. 19. 23. 52. and others, instead of iơos of the 20 without effect.

(Gr., ἐπάνω).

21 But.

23 yea

28 sware. 29 Fritzsche receives for ei μýny of the text. rec., v. He sus

(Gr., áλA').
text. rec. (with II.). 25 A. V. away.
Vers. 12-16.27 A. V.: Therefore.
pects, however, that the true reading of the text. rec. was ei μń.
the sword all (108. Co.). 32 Then he marched. .

30 A. V.: those coasts. 81 and (106. 108. Co.) that with his power. The Greek might also be rendered:

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seventeenth year, and he prevailed in his battle, and put to flight the whole army' of Arphaxad, and all his horsemen, and all his chariots, and became lord of his 14 cities; and he came unto Ecbatana, and took the towers, and spoiled the streets 15 thereof, and turned the beauty thereof into its shame. He took also Arphaxad in the mountains of Ragau, and smote him through with his spears, and destroyed him 16 utterly that day. And he returned with them to Nineve, both he and all his mixed troop, being a very great multitude of men of war; and there he took his ease, and banqueted, both he and his army, an hundred and twenty days.

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• So.

2 omits 6 after

attacked with his army etc. (παρετάξατο ἐν τῇ δυνάμει αὐτοῦ πρὸς 'Α.). 1 A. V.: for he overthrew all the power. he. 3 Ecbatane. 4 into (44. 71. 74. 76. 106. 236. omit aurns) shame. . . . darts (Gr., Siß vais). ward. The words μer' avrŵv - probably on account of the difficulty of translating them - are omitted in 19. 108. Old Lat. Syr. Cf. Com. 7 A. V.: company of sundry nations (ovμμTOS).

CHAPTER I.

Ver. 1. This verse is left iacomplete on ac- the basis of the present narrative at this point, count of a long parenthetic statement beginning it may rest on the fact that the Median rebel with verse second, the natural course of the nar- Phraortes fled to this place after his defeat by rative not being resumed till verse fifth-In Darius Hystaspis. Cf. Rawlinson in Smith's Nineve. Rather, in Babylon. Cf. Introduction, Bib. Dict., art. "Rages;" and Ancient Mon., iii. under the first heading. Arphaxad. A person 412. of this name is mentioned in the canonical Scrip- Ver. 6. Allied themselves with him, i. e., tures (Gen. x. 22, 24; xi. 10) as the son of Shem Nabuchodonosor. The Greek here is σvvývτnoav and ancestor of Eber; and it is an interesting pòs autóv. The verb is used in a friendly as well fact that Josephus held him to be the ancestor of as in a hostile sense; here, evidently in the forthe Chaldæans (Antiq., 1, 6, § 4). The Median mer. They responded to his summons to act as king who is here so called is thought by some to his auxiliaries in this war. Hydaspes. Not be identical with Deioces, by others with his son, likely the river in India of this name, but posPhraortes; while Niebuhr regards the word as sibly the same as the Choaspes in Susiana. The but another form of Astyages (Ashdahak), a com- Romans, in fact, sometimes gave the river Chomon title of the rulers of Media. Cf. Winer, aspes this name. See Winer, Realwörterb., ad voc. Realwörterb.; Schenkel's Bib. Lex., ad voc.

Arioch. Cf. Gen. xiv. 1, 9; Dan. ii. 14. Vers. 2-4. Ecbatana. There were two Ec- Elymeans. Cf. Gen. xiv. 9. The country which batanas: one in the north, the other in the south, to the Jews was known as Elam was called also of Media. The latter is doubtless meant. Ac- Cissia or Susiana, and lay on the opposite side of cording to the text of the Vulgate Arphaxad the Tigris from Babylon. - Assembled thembuilt the entire city; according to the other texts, selves against the sons of Cheleud, eis rapátonly the fortifications. But, as a matter of fact, aşiv viwv Xeλeoúð. It has been conjectured that it is not probable that Ecbatana ever had any Cheleud is a corruption for Xaxwv, i. e., Ktesiwalls of the character here described. Rawlin-phon. Ewald, on the other hand, thinks that the son says: "The Medes and Persians appear to word is a nickname for the Syrians; namely, have been in general content to establish in each "sons of the moles," that is, "trench diggers town a fortified citadel or stronghold, round(). De Wette translates, with the A. V., which the houses were clustered, without super-from the sons of Cheleud." And Wolf (Com., ad adding the further defense of a strong wall. [Modern researches have discovered no signs of loc.) supposes it to be a rendering of, town walls at any of the old Persian or Median and would translate "sons of the army," or, sites.] Ecbatana, accordingly, seems never to freely, "born soldiers." have stood a siege. It yielded at once to Cyrus, Ver. 7. Of the lands to the West which are to Alexander, and to Antiochus the Great.] When first mentioned in general terms, Damascus and the nation which held it was defeated in the open Cilicia are by way of example particularly specifield, the city [unlike Babylon or Nineveh sub- tied. The writer seems to have Palestine all the mitted to the conqueror without a struggle. Thus while in view, and, when he reaches it, accords to the marvelous description in the Book of Judith, it a much more detailed description. Πρὸς δυσwhich is internally very improbable, would apμaîs. Lit., toward the settings, the genitive λíov pear to be entirely destitute of any, even the being understood. · Cilicia. This was the most slightest, foundation in fact." See Ancient Mon., southeasterly province of Asia Minor nearest to ii. 268. The northern Ecbatana or Gaza, at a Syria, whose principal city is next mentioned. period considerably later in the time of the Sassanians, was indeed surrounded with a strong wall, which was guarded by numerous bastions, and pierced by gateways; but there is no evidence that this was ever true of the Median city.

Libanus and Antilibanus. Libanus is the Greek form of the word Lebanon. The word Antilibanus is not elsewhere found in the Bible (cf. Josh. xiii. 5). The region indicated is usually known as Cole-Syria, "the hollow Syria," taking its name from the valley, about a hundred miles long, which lay between Lebanon and AutiLebanon.

Ver. 5. Ragau (Rages, Rhages). It was the city next in importance to the two Ecbatanas in ancient Media, and was situated at the extreme Ver. 8. Among the nations. Vaihinger (Her eastern part of the empire. It was the name also given to a considerable district within which zog's Real-Encyk., art. "Judith ") and others dis the city lay. If there be any historical truth at cover here a failure in translation;

having

the ancient Zoan.

been read instead of 72. "among the cities." identify it with Chalutza (Elusa). — Kades. PosCf. Textual Notes. - Carmelus. The Carmel sibly the Kedesh () of Josh. xv. 23. — meant is doubtless the well-known Mount Carmel Taphnas. A frontier fortification near Pelusium so celebrated in Jewish history through its con- and the "Daplinæ Pelusia" of Herod., ii. 30, 107. nection with scenes in the life of the prophet Elijah. Ramesse. Probably the chief city of the land It lay on the Mediterranean. There was another of Goshen in Egypt.- Gesem. Goshen. Carmel (cf. Josh. xv. 55) in the mountainous Ver. 10. Tanis. Thought to be identical with country of Judah. Galaad. This is the Greek form of the word Gilead. - Upper Galilee, i. e., the country north of Carmel and west of the Jordan. And the great plain of Esdrelom. This word has different forms even in the present hook. At iii. 9, iv. 6, it is Esdraelon; at vii. 3, Esdraelom, in the "received text," although some good manuscripts (X.) have any instead of u as the last letter. It is the Greek form of the Hebrew word Jezreel, and the name is given to the plain in honor of the old city which occupied its eastern extremity.

Ver. 11. 'Epaúλiσav, made light of. See also xi. 2, 22; and Xen., Mem., i. 6, 9. Þavλos (pλavpos) is akin to raûpos (Lat., paulus), evil, bad, and then worthless.

Ver. 12. Swore by his throne and kingdom, i. e., that as surely as he was king he would do it.

Judæa. Here meant to include the whole of Palestine. - The borders of the two seas. The two arms of the Nile are meant (Astaboras and Astapus), called by the Arabs, respectively, "the white sea" and "the blue sea."

Ver. 15. Destroyed him utterly that day. Lit., " to that day" (ews Tĥs hμépas èkeírns), i. e., from the day of the battle to the day when he pierced him through with a spear. Gaab would read hús, morning, for ews, until; but it is quite unnecessary.

Ver. 9. Samaria, i. e., the district, and not the city. And beyond the Jordan. Here this phrase means, not as commonly the country east of the Jordan, but that lying west of the river. Betane. This place is not easily identified. Movers, followed by Fritzsche, Bunsen's Bibelwerk, and other authorities, think that the Beth-anoth Ver. 16. We have translated, with Fritzsche, of Josh. xv. 59 is meant, -a place in the moun- Bunsen's Bibelwerk, and other authorities, ueT' tainous district of Judah. According to Rawlin- aurav, by "with them," instead of by afterson (Herod., ii 460) the Batanæa, or Betana, of ward," as the A. V. It probably refers loosely to the Greeks, the Basan of the Jews, and ancient the prisoners and booty taken in this series of capital of the kingdom of Og, is intended (see battles. A failure to understand it may have Num. xxi. 33). Chelus. Supposed by some to led to its omission in some manuscripts (249. be the Halhul of Josh. xv. 58. Others would Co.).

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CHAPTER II.

AND in the eighteenth year, the two and twentieth day of the first month, there was talk in the palace1 of Nabuchodonosor king of the Assyrians, that he would 2 2 as he said, avenge himself on all the earth. And he called together all his servants, and all his nobles, and communicated with them respecting his secret plan, 3 and fully set forth the entire wickedness of the earth with his mouth. And they decided on the destruction of all flesh, that did not obey the commandment of his 4 mouth. And it came to pass when he had fully ended his plan, Nabuchodonosor king of the Assyrians called Olophernes the chief general of his army, who was next unto him, and said unto him,

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Thus saith the great king, the lord of the whole earth, Behold, thou shalt go forth from my presence, and take with thee men that trust in their strength,10 of footmen to the number of an hundred and twenty thousand, and a multitude 11 of 6 horses with their riders twelve thousand; and thou shalt go against all the west 7 country, because they disobeyed the order of my mouth.12 And thou shalt bid

them make ready 18 earth and water, for I will go forth in my wrath against them, and will cover the whole face of the earth with the feet of mine army, and 8 I will give them for a spoil unto them; and their wounded 14 shall fill their valleys 9 and brooks, and the overflowing river shall be filled with their dead 15; and I will

Vers. 1-4.-1 A. V.: house. 2 should. s So be called unto him all his officers (Gr., καὶ συνεκάλεσε πάντας τοὺς Sepárovτas avтov). Fritzsche thinks that, in giving this verb, the translator read when he should have read , to reveal, disclose. A. V. them his secret counsel, and concluded the afflicting of the whole earth out of his own mouth (Gr., συνετέλεσε πᾶσαν τὴν κακίαν τῆς γῆς, etc.). Then they decreed to destroy. 6 omits it came

to pass (éyéveTO). ¡ counsel. 8 captain. 9 which. Vers. 5-12.-10 A. V.: own strength. 12 11 footmen an (so 44. 106.).... the number. my commandment (64. 243. 248. Co. Al, ἐν τῷ ῥήματι μου). 13 declare unto them that they prepare for me (58. 64. 243. 248. 249. Co. Ald. add μας). 14 so that 'heir slain (Gr., тpavμaríai; see Com. at 1 Macc. i. 18). 15 the river shall be filled with their dead till it

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