If consent means only the acquiescence required by the con-
stitution, this the same in all governments, even the
most arbitrary

No self-government, where a man is governed by the opi-
nion and will of others, whether one or many,
and not
by his own. Perfect liberty incompatible with civil so-
ciety, There liberty always in part sacrificed for pro-
tection

The liberty of the state mistaken for that of its members,
Women and children, on the principles of our republi-
cans, absolute slaves. Note

432

433

434

The distinction of legal and arbitrary, free and slavish, as

The body of laws in no civilized country, the work of per-
sons now living. Our acquiescence such as we give to
the laws of the universe, whereof we are surely not the
makers

Modern republicans think their model the only lawful go-
vernment. Terrible consequences of this doctrine
The reverse of that of the Gospel

440

441

442

The Jewish notion on the subject of taxes different from
the American, but the object the same.
exemption not admitted by our Saviour
A singular effrontery in men who keep slaves to exclaim
about life, liberty, and property, as the unalienable
rights of mankind. Note

Their title to

444

446

The Jews, though both a distant and different nation from the Romans, and not concurring in assessing themselves, expressly enjoined to pay

447

By the maxims of our republicans, Christ and his apostles preachers of slavery both internal and external. Note Obj. The apostolical injunctions on this head, prudential advices

449

450

Ans. This plea confuted by the terms used

452

Rousseau, a famous republican, admits that christianity

and his system are incompatible

453

The part which our religion takes in regard to the consti

tution

454

Not unfavourable to the constitutional support of civil rights

455

The malice of the congress to the king; they present not
so properly the king's quarrel as the nation's, particular-
ly the legislature's

The Americans have no more a constitutional, than a na-
tural title to what they claim. Not one in twenty of
the people of Britain represented in Parliament
The disadvantage the Americans sustain in this respect,
the necessary consequence of their situation. No re-
medy that has been suggested relished by them. Their
manifest aim immunity

They contribute but a part of the expence of their own in-
ternal government, no part of what is necessary for the
defence of the whole, or for discharging the debt incur-
red by the two last wars, though entered into for their
protection, and in consequence of their clamours
The sum of their proposals to Great Britain. Great ad-
vantages demanded. Their returns discretionary
A character of the colonies given by one of their friends
The duplicity of the Congress in regard to the establish-
ment of the Roman Catholic religion in Canada. The
character of the people not to be concluded, from the
actions of the congress.

Note

456

457

459

ib.

460

468

CONCLUSION.

Caution against allowing the pretence of liberty to be-
tray us into licentiousness

Pretenders of this stamp in the apostolic age. The peo-
ple objects of pity more than of resentment
Not the interest of Britian that America be enslaved,
The interest of both the same. A vulgar error that
government is the freer the more republican. The great
blunder in the American governments, they were too
republican. Their good, as well as ours, requires that
this be rectified

466

467

468

AN

ADDRESS

TO THE

PEOPLE OF SCOTLAND,

UPON THE

ALARMS THAT HAVE BEEN RAISED

IN REGARD TO

POPERY.

1779.

Judge not according to the appearance, but judge righteous judgment.-JOHN vii. 24.

ADVERTISEMENT.

THE Author would not have been so late in giving his judgment to the public, on the alarm that has been raised about the danger of the Protestant religion, if the duties of his office had permitted him to do it sooner. He cannot, however, consider it as being yet too late. The national assembly of this Church has not yet interposed. It is not to be doubted, that an application from them will be urged at their ensuing meeting. The Author is the more solicitous to give his sentiments in this manner, as it will not be in his power to be present. And though he spoke his mind freely on the question in the last Assembly, matters have proceeded so far since that time, that he could not excuse himself, if he omitted to give this additional and more ample testimony to the world of his judgment on the whole of this important subject.

He hopes that what he here offers, will be attended to with coolness, and weighed with impar