XVIII. CHAPTER the Bermuda privateers had committed depredations upon American vessels not only with impunity, but with the open sanction of the admiralty court in those islands. 1793. British orders in council. President's speech to Congress. With the design of distressing France, by cutting off her supplies, two orders were issued by the British cabinet, one in June and the other in November, which operated with peculiar force upon American commerce. By the first order, British cruisers were instructed to stop all ships loaded with corn, flour, or meal, bound to any French port, and send them to some convenient port, where the cargoes might be purchased in behalf of his Majesty's government. By the second, ships of war and privateers were required to detain all vessels laden with goods produced in any colony belonging to France, or with provisions for any such colony, and bring them to legal adjudication in the British courts of admiralty. These orders were considered as a direct and flagrant violation of neutral rights, and the American government remonstrated against them as unjust in principle and extremely injurious in their effects. When Congress assembled, the state of affairs, both external and internal, was largely explained in the PresiDecember 3. dent's speech, and in a separate message accompanied with many documents. In these were comprised the reasons for the course he had pursued, respecting foreign powers, and suggestions for additional legislative enactments to protect the rights of American citizens, and maintain the dignity of the country. While he sought peace, and urged a faithful discharge of every duty towards others, he recommended, that prompt measures should be taken, not only for defence, but for enforcing just claims. "There is a rank due to the United States among nations," said he, "which will be withheld, if not absolutely lost, by the reputation of weakness. If we desire to avoid insult, we must be able to repel it; if we desire to secure peace, one of the most powerful instruments of our prosperity, it must be known, that we are at all times ready for war." These communications were XVIIL well received by the two houses. Indeed both parties in CHAPTER Congress found so much to condemn in the conduct of the belligerent powers towards neutrals, that on this point 1793. they seemed for a moment to forget their dissensions; and, although the proclamation of neutrality continued to be made a theme of declamation and abuse by violent partisans and the presses hostile to the administration, it met with no marks of disapprobation from Congress.* Near the beginning of the session an important report Commercial was made by the Secretary of State, respecting the commercial intercourse of the United States with other na It was in allusion to the President's communications to Congress at the opening of this session, that Mr. Fox made the following remarks in the British Parliament, January 31st, 1794. "And here, Sir, I cannot help alluding to the President of the United States, General Washington, a character whose conduct has been so different from that, which has been pursued by the ministers of this country. How infinitely wiser must appear the spirit and principles manifested in his late address to Congress, than the policy of modern European courts! Illustrious man, deriving honor less from the splendor of his situation than from the dignity of his mind; before whom all borrowed greatness sinks into insignificance, and all the potentates of Europe (excepting the members of our own royal family) become little and contemptible! He has had no occasion to have recourse to any tricks of policy or arts of alarm; his authority has been sufficiently supported by the same means by which it was acquired, and his conduct has uniformly been characterized by wisdom, moderation, and firmness. Feeling gratitude to France for the assistance received from her in that great contest, which secured the independence of America, he did not choose to give up the system of neutrality. Having once laid down that line of conduct, which both gratitude and policy pointed out as most proper to be pursued, not all the insults and provocation of the French minister, Genet, could turn him from his purpose. Intrusted with the welfare of a great people, he did not allow the misconduct of another, with respect to himself, for one moment to withdraw his attention from their interest. He had no fear of the Jacobins, he felt no alarm from their principles, and considered no precaution as necessary in order to stop their progress. "The people over whom he presided he knew to be acquainted with their rights and their duties. He trusted to their own good sense to defeat the effect of those arts, which might be employed to inflame or mislead their minds; and was sensible, that a government could be in no danger, while it retained the attachment and confidence of its intercourse. XVIII. CHAPTER tions, particularly in regard to its privileges and restrictions, and the means for improving commerce and navigation. The report was able, elaborate, and comprehensive, presenting a view of the trade between the United States and the principal countries of Europe. 1793. Two methods for improving commerce. Two methods were suggested by the secretary for modifying or removing restrictions; first, by amicable arrangements with foreign powers; secondly, by countervailing acts of the legislature. He preferred the former, if it should be found practicable, and gave his reasons. The subject of navigation was also discussed, and a system of maritime defence recommended. subjects; attachment, in this instance, not blindly adopted; confidence not implicitly given, but arising from the conviction of its excellence, and the experience of its blessings. I cannot, indeed, help admiring the wisdom and fortune of this great man. By the phrase 'fortune' I mean not in the smallest degree to derogate from his merit. But, notwithstanding his extraordinary talents and exalted integrity, it must be considered as singularly fortunate, that he should have experienced a lot, which so seldom falls to the portion of humanity, and have passed through such a variety of scenes without stain and without reproach. It must, indeed, create astonishment, that, placed in circumstances so critical, and filling for a series of years a station so conspicuous, his character should never once have been called in question; that he should in no one instance have been accused either of improper insolence, or of mean submission, in his transactions with foreign nations. For him it has been reserved to run the race of glory, without experiencing the smallest interruption to the brilliancy of his career." To this eulogy of Mr. Fox, may properly be appended the complimentary letter of Mr. Erskine, afterwards Lord Erskine, to General Washington, though written a year later. It accompanied a book on the causes and consequences of the war with France. "SIR, "London, 15 March, 1795. "I have taken the liberty to introduce your august and immortal name in a short sentence, which will be found in the book I send you. I have a large acquaintance among the most valuable and exalted classes of men; but you are the only human being for whom I ever felt an awful reverence. I sincerely pray God to grant a long and serene evening to a life so gloriously devoted to the universal happiness of the world. "T. ERSKINE." XVIII. Shortly after making this report, Mr. Jefferson retired CHAPTER from the office of Secretary of State, in conformity with an intimation he had given some months before; having 1794. been prevailed upon by the President, apparently against Jefferson rehis own inclination, to remain till the end of the year. the office of He was succeeded by Edmund Randolph, whose place State. as Attorney-General was supplied by William Bradford of Pennsylvania. tires from Secretary of commercial The secretary's report gave rise to Mr. Madison's cele- Madison's brated commercial resolutions, which were long debated resolutions. in the House of Representatives with a degree of animation, and even of asperity, that had not been exceeded since the adoption of the funding system. These resolutions embraced the general principles of the report, but they aimed at a discrimination in the commercial intercourse with foreign countries, which was viewed in very different lights by the two parties in Congress. They imposed restrictions and additional duties on the manufactures and navigation of nations, which had no commercial treaties with the United States, and a reduction of duties on the tonnage of vessels belonging to nations with which such treaties existed. In this scheme the friends of the administration saw, or imagined they saw, hostility to England and undue favor to France, neither warranted by policy, nor consistent with neutrality; while the other party regarded it as equitable in itself, and as absolutely necessary to protect the commerce of the country from insulting aggression and plunder. Mr. Madison's plan was modified in its progress; but a resolution, retaining the principle of commercial restrictions, finally passed the House of Representatives. It was rejected in the Senate by the casting vote of the Vice-President. nominated as envoy to Great Britain. While these discussions were going on with much heat John Jay in Congress, a measure was resorted to by the President, which produced considerable effect on the results. Advices from the American minister in London rendered it probable, that the British cabinet were disposed to settle the differences between the two countries on amicable April 16. XVIII. 1794. CHAPTER terms. At all events the indications were such, that Washington, firm to his purpose of neutrality and peace, resolved to make the experiment. Accordingly, on the 16th of April, he nominated Mr. Jay to the Senate, as an envoy extraordinary to the court of Great Britain. "My objects are," said he, in a letter to the Secretary of State, "to prevent a war, if justice can be obtained by fair and strong representations of the injuries, which this country has sustained from Great Britain in various ways, to put it in a complete state of military defence, and to provide eventually for the execution of such measures as seem to be now pending in Congress, if negotiation in a reasonable time proves unsuccessful." The nomination was confirmed in the Senate by a majority of more than two to one; but it was strenuously opposed by the principal members of the democratic party, particularly Mr. Monroe, and was disapproved by the same party in the House of Representatives. Congress pass acts for putting the country in a state of defence. Washington unbiassed by the acrimony of parties. As a war seemed inevitable, if Mr. Jay's mission should terminate unfavorably, Congress passed acts for putting the country in a state of defence. The principal harbors were to be fortified, and eighty thousand militia to be held in readiness for immediate service. The importation of arms was permitted free of duty, and the President was authorized to purchase galleys, and lay an embargo, if he should think the public interest required it. Additional taxes were levied to meet the expense. Congress adjourned, after a long and boisterous session, which had contributed not a little to increase the acrimony of parties, multiply the causes of dissension, and inflame the minds of the people. The administration, however, stood firm; and neither the policy nor the opinions of Washington were in any degree changed. In fact, having no personal objects to gain, thinking and acting only for his country, divested of partiality and prejudice as far as it was possible for any man to be, and invariably taking counsel of his conscience and judgment, he stood aloof from the commotions of party and the con |