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ment; it is declared by this convention that all rights, suits, actions, prosecutions, claims, and contracts, both as it respects individuals and bodies corporate, shall continue as if no change had taken place in this government.

2. All fines, penalties, and forfeitures, due and owing to the territory of the United States, northwest of the Ohio River, shall inure to the use of the state. All bonds executed to the governor, or any other officer in his official capacity in the territory, shall pass over to the governor, or the other officers of the state, and their successors in office, for the use of the state, or by him or them to be respectively assigned over to the use of those concerned, as the case may be.

3. The governor, secretary, and judges, and all other officers under the territorial government, shall continue in the exercise of the duties of their respective departments until the said officers are superseded under the authority of this constitution.

4. All laws and parts of laws now in force in this territory, not inconsistent with this constitution, shall continue and remain in full effect until repealed by the legislature, except so much of the act entitled "An act regulating the admission and practice of attorneys and counsellors at law;" and of the act made amendatory thereto, as relates to the term of time which the applicant shall have studied law, his residence within the territory, and the term of time which he shall have practised as an attorney at law, before he can be admitted to the degree of a counsellor at law.

5. The governor of the state shall make use of his private seal, until a state seal be procured.

6. The president of the convention shall issue writs of election to the sheriffs of the several counties, requiring them to proceed to the election of governor, members of the general assembly, sheriffs, and coroners, at the respective election districts in each county, on the second Tuesday of January next, which elections shall be conducted in the manner prescribed by the existing election laws of this territory; and the members of the general assembly, sheriffs, and coroners then elected, shall continue to exercise the duties of their respective offices until the next annual or biennial election thereafter, as prescribed in this constitution, and no longer.

7. Until the first enumeration shall be made, as directed in the second section of the first article of this constitution, the county of Hamilton shall be entitled to four senators and eight representatives; the county of Clermont one senator and two representatives; the county of Adams one senator and three representatives; the county of Ross two senators and four representatives; the county of Fairfield one senator and two rep

resentatives; the county of Washington two senators and three representatives; the county of Belmont one senator and two representatives; the county of Jefferson two senators and four representatives; and the county of Trumbull one senator and two representatives.

Done in convention, at Chillicothe, on the 29th day of November, in the year of our Lord 1802, and of the Independence of the United States of America the 27th.

In testimony whereof, we have hereunto subscribed our names.

EDWARD TIFFIN, President.

Jos. Darlington,

John Reilly,

Israel Donaldson,
Tho. Kerker,

James Caldwell,
Elijah Woods,
Philip Gatch,
James Sargent,
Henry Abrams,
Em. Carpenter,
John W. Browne,
Charles W. Byrd,
Fra. Dunlavy,

Wm. Goforth,

John Kitchell,

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John Smith,
John Wilson,
Rudolph Bear,
Geo. Humphrey,
John Milligan,
Nath. Updegraff,
Baz. Wells,
Mich. Baldwin,

James Grubb,

Nath. Massie,
T. Worthington,
David Abbott,
Sam. Huntington,
Eph. Cutler,

Ben. Ives Gilman,
Rufus Putnam.

Attest, THO. SCOTT, Secretary.

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.

In Congress, July 4, 1776.

THE UNANIMOUS DECLARATION OF THE THIRTEEN UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

WHEN, in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume, among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and of nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.

We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed; that whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute a new government, laying its foundation on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate, that governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shown, that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such government, and to provide new guards for their future security. Such has been the patient sufferance of these colonies; and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former systems of government. The history of the present king of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these states. To prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid world.

He has refused his assent to laws the most wholesome and necessary for the public good.

He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation, till his assent should be obtained; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them. He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of representation in the legislature a right inestimable to them, and formidable to tyrants only.

He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures.

He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly, for opposing, with manly firmness is invasions on the rights of the people.

He has refused, for a long time after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected; whereby the legislative powers, incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people at large, for their exercise, the state remaining, in the mean time, exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions within.

He has endeavored to prevent the population of these states; for that purpose obstructing the laws for naturalization of foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their migration hither, and raising the condition of new appropriations of lands.

He has obstructed the administration of justice, by refusing his assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers.

He has made judges dependent on his will alone, for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries.

He has erected a multitude of new offices, and sent hither swarms of officers, to harass our people, and eat out their sub

stance.

He has kept among us, in times of peace, standing armies, without the consent of our legislatures.

He has affected to render the military independent of, and su perior to, the civil power.

He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws, giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation:

For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us :

For protecting them, by mock trial, from punishment for any murders which they should commit on the inhabitants of these

states:

For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world:
For imposing taxes on us without our consent:

For depriving us, in many cases, of the benefits of trial by Jury:

For transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pretended offences:

For abolishing the free system of English laws in a neighboring province, establishing therein an arbitrary government, and enlarging its boundaries, so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into these colonies :

For taking away our charters, abolishing our most valua ble laws, and altering, fundamentally, the forms of our govern

ments:

For suspending our own legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever. He has abdicated government here, by declaring us out of his protection, and waging war against us.

He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people.

He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries to complete the works of death, desolation, and tyranny, already begun with circumstances of cruelty and perfidy, scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the head of a civilized nation.

He has constrained our fellow-citizens, taken captive on the high seas, to bear arms against their country, to become the executioners of their friends and brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands.

He has excited domestic insurrections among us; and has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers the merciless Indian savages, whose known rule of warfare is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes, and conditions.

In every stage of these oppressions we have petitioned for redress in the most humble terms: our repeated petitions have been answered only by repeated injury. A prince, whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people.

Nor have we been wanting in attentions to our British brethren. We have warned them, from time to time, of attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our common kindred to disavow these usurpations, which would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. They, too, have been deaf to the voice of justice and consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity which denounces our sepa

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