fate, but which office gives you no right subscription; but, Sir, so far from this whatever to issue dictatorial recommenda- being the case, so far from its being extions to any persons whatever, for subscrip- pressly declared, that the Jubilee is to be tions of money, and especially to order regarded as a mark of personal respect the collection to be made by the overseers towards the king, it is perfectly notorious, of the poor, or other parish-officers, or that, with those individuals who have persons usually employed by the parish to taken the lead in the thing, and who, incollect its rates. Under such circum- deed, first set it on foot, the object is any stances, Sir, it is in vain, it is quite idle, to thing but that which I have described, call the subscription voluntary. With and, that one of the main purposes is, in yourself, and with the other gentlemen, this indirect manner to obtain what will be with whom the thing originated, the con- construed into a general approbation of all tribution is, of course, a voluntary act, and the ministerial measures of this long and unforyou have all, doubtless, your reasons fortunate reign; rather than aid in effecting what you have done; but, with the farmers of the parish, with those who cannot be insensible to the weight of your recommendation, and whom you must be pretty sure would not send back your paper with a blank against their names; with these persons, is there any candid man will say, that the act of subscribing could possibly be voluntary?

These objections are general: they apply to all Subscriptions called for with a view of feeding, or treating, the poor; and also, to all subscriptions, for whatever purpose, set on foot in such a manner. But, Sir, upon the supposition, that subscriptions for feeding and treating the poor, may, in certain cases, be proper; and, upon the further supposition, that there are cases to justify the manner, in which this subscription has been set on foot, I have, in this case, an objection to the thing on account of the occasion; I object to the principle of your proposition; and, because I think it may be useful to the public, because I think it may tend to produce, or increase, a right way of thinking upon this and other political subjects, I shall here state the reasons, upon which my objection is principally founded.

The 25th of this month is, it seems, considered, by some persons, at least, as a day for the expressing of national joy; that it is, in short, to be a day of Jubilee, that is to say, of rejoicing and all sorts of merriment and signs of gladness; and it is to be so, for what? Why, it seems, because, upon that day, the king enters upon the fiftieth year of his reign. Now, Sir, if I had no other objection to your proposition than that which is founded upon the nature of the occasion, if its general principle, and if its manner, were such as I approved of; and, if the Jubilee were expressly stated to be merely a mark of personal respect towards his Majesty, under whose reign I was born, I should very willingly have joined your

which purpose, I shall certainly run the risk of exposing myself to your implied charge of disloyalty, of the justice and decency of which charge I will speak more particularly by-and-by.

But, let us inquire a little closer into this subject of rejoicing. You call upon me to rejoice on the 50th anniversary of the King's accession to the throne. Now, even viewing the matter in the best pos sible light; even supposing, that you wish the Jubilee to be held with reference to the king solely, to the king personally; why would you have me rejoice at this time in particular? You certainly would not call upon us, your neighbours, to express our joy that 49 years of the king's reign are already past; to clap our hands and to shout because he has passed nine years beyond the age of man; to sing and dance and drink for joy, because the king is very old; to be full of joy, to overflow with gladness, in short, because the king has attained to an age, which, according to the course of nature, must render the remainder of his reign of but short duration. No: it certainly is not at this that you call upon us to rejoice. But, at what, then, would you have us rejoice? If not at the old age of the king, which is just the same thing as the mere length of reign; if not at this, you must then wish us to rejoice as and to celebrate the changes and events of his reign, and, in this way, to express our gratitude for the good which the nation has derived from those changes and events. Let us, therefore, see whether those changes and events are such as call upon us for expressions of joy and gratitude.

When the King mounted the throne, the DEBT, of which the nation pays the interest in taxes, amounted to about 90 millions; it now amounts to nearly 700 millions; and, one year's taxes now is nearly equal to what the whole Debt then was. The Poor Rates of England and

Wales then amounted to about a million | mercy of the French; aye, to the mercy and a quarter annually; they now amount of those very French, whom the "loyal" to more than six millions annually. The writers in England denominate "bloodnumber of parish paupers was then about" thirsty villains." Returning again to two hundred thousand; that number is now the blessings of our present state, and the above twelve hundred thousand. These are cause we have for joy, you may remind pretty good proofs, Sir, that we have no your hearers, that the king's servants, in cause to rejoice at the changes of this their extreme care of us, have introduced reign. But, Sir, there is one, which will a very considerable body of foreign troops be very pat to your purpose, when you into the country; a whole Legion of have the poor labourers of Droxford Germans, horse, foot, and artillery. You Parish assembled on the Jubilee-day; may remind them of the present state of and that is, that, when this reign began, Ireland, and bid them not to forget the it cost the labouring man five day's work number of years, during the present to earn a bushel of flour, and that now it reign, that saw the personal security act costs him ten day's work to earn a bushel suspended, and during which years many of flour; and that, if he happens to have of their countrymen were kept, for years, three children, it is, upon the common in jail; without being brought to trial run of wages, utterly impossible for him from first to last.-Ifthis be not enough; to earn bread enough for his family to eat, if you find them still backward in reto say nothing of meat, drink, clothing, joicing, remind them of the taxes they fire and house-rent. Pray, Sir, state this have to pay, and of the purposes to fact to the young ones: the old ones will which they are applied; and, pray do, not need be told of it. State this fact to Sir, show them that there are many inthem, and if they do not rejoice it is dividual sinecure placemen, and many very strange indeed.Then, Sir, if you pensioners, any one of whom swallows should have some politicians in the higher up more of the taxes, in one month, than seats of the festival, you may entertain goes to the keeping of all the poor in them with the history of the last fifty Droxford for a whole year.-Should they year's glories, in diplomacy and in war. still be insensible to your eloquence, You may relate to them how we lost the remind them of the history of the Darling, continent of America for the sake of a tax; not forgetting your old neighbour; late and how, for the sake of other taxes and of a tenant of Newgate. Your Reverend corruption, we got possession of vast coun- coadjutors may expound to them the cases tries in the East, through the means of of the holy Doctors O'Meara and Locke, which countries enterprizing young men, and of the reverend Mr. Beazely, and with scarcely a second shirt to their backs, bid any one produce, if he can, any thing and with a not much greater stock of the like thereof in any other reign. Any ideas, contrive so to draw upon the taxes loyal lady, who chances to be present, raised in England as to oust from their may enter upon the rise, progress, and estates those, by whom the said taxes suspension of the "Delicate Investiga have been paid.- -From these topics you tion ;" and, if they still remain unmoved, may diverge into matters of a warlike why tell them, tell them yourself, Sir, nature: you may remind the "loyal" the history of the Garniers and their audience of the capture of a whole British sinecure. army at Saratoga, and of another at York down. Dunkirk and the Helder will, of course, become the theme of your praise, after which, in due place, will follow Ferrol, Buenos Ayres, Cairo, Cintra, Corunna, Talavera and Walcheren. You will, then, doubtless, attempt an enumeration of those who have been slain during the thirty years of war, with which this nation has been blessed out of the happy fifty; nor would it be amiss if you were to lay before the convivial guests a detailed account of those who have lately died at Walcheren, and of the thousands of sick and wounded left behind, by our general in Spain, to the

I should not have revived this topic, Sir, had not your letter, circulated through the whole of the parish, and, of course, amongst many of my neighbours, left it to be clearly inferred, that all those who did not give money, to be expended in a way that you and Mr. Garnier and Mr. Nott chose to point out, were disloyal men. I have every reason to suppose, that you knew, that my sentiments were opposed to any celebration of the day in question; to any act or deed which might give countenance to the thing to be called a Jubilee. But, whether you knew this, or not, a circular letter from

you, making the act of subscribing a test of loyalty, and accompanied with a subscription paper having my name ready written upon it, contingently inferred the accusation of disloyalty. You send me one paper with a list of names as Subscribers to the Jubilee, and amongst those names you place mine; and you, at the same time, send me another paper which tells me, in words the meaning of which is not to be misunderstood, that, unless I give my money, I shall be considered as disloyal. I do not choose to give my money, and your imputation of disloyalty follows of course. This imputation is a thing for me to laugh at; but, as my intention is to cause this letter to be read by all those who have read your letter, I shall here add a sentence or two for the purpose of shewing them what is the real meaning of the word loyalty, according to its modern acceptation, and by way of illustration, to give them a striking example of loyalty in the head of the family of that Garnier, who, as your letter states, thought it was, " a pity that the parish of Drox"ford should appear less loyal than its "neighbours."

thecary General; not thinking this a sufficient proof of his attachment to the king and his government, what does he do, but gets a post in the army at the pay of ten shillings a day! Not content with twelve thousand pounds a year out of the public money, out of the taxes that we pay; not content with this immense sum for doing nothing; for, observe, it is proved, upon oath, that he has never meddled with any part of the business; not content with twelve thousand a year for doing nothing, he asks for, and gets, from the government, from that government whose conduct we are to have a Jubilee to applaud; he gets from that government an allowance of ten shillings a day as a medical officer in the army; and, while he lives constantly at Wickham, he is now actually in the receipt of this ten shillings a day (unless it be very lately taken off) out of the taxes that we pay. Aye, well, indeed, may men like this hold a Jubilee in praise of this long reign of war and taxation; this reign, the wars of which have, perhaps, put into the pockets of the Garniers not less than two hundred thousand pounds.

By this time, Sir, I hope, that you begin to be convinced, that there are some of us, Be it known, then, to those of our neigh- at least, who understand too well the bours, amongst whom you have circulated worth of modern loyalty to fear the effects your letter, that loyalty, now-a-days, means of any such imputations as that, which, the getting of a good round sum annually contingently at least, is conveyed in your out of the taxes, or, at least, it means living letter; and that, by means of that sort, upon the public. For this we have a fine we shall not have the money extracted practical instance in Mr. Garnier of Wick- from our pockets. If Mr. Garnier, inham, who, though he has never, during deed, has a mind to give back to the peohis whole lifetime, done for the public ple any portion, however small, or if one single hour's service; though it has another of your neighbours, Mr. Sturges been given in evidence before the House Bourne, has a mind to give back a part of of Commons, that he never has meddled at what he is annually receiving out of the all with any business for the public; taxes, let them do it; but, let them not though these facts are indisputable, this accuse me or Mr. Chidell or Mr. Edney Mr. Garmer does get of the pubhe money or Mr. Cowdry or Mr. Parrott, or any of upwards of twelve thousand pounds a year, the rest of us, of disloyalty, that is to say, arising from an office, which he has en- of a very serious crime; let them not so joyed ever since he was a boy at school, and accuse us, because we do not choose to which though not former y so profitable, give our money to make people rejoice at or nearly so profitable, as at present, was events which have produced great mischief always a place of great profit. The total to the nation in general, and good to none sun that he must have, during the whole but those, who live upon the public, who time, cleared by this place, cannot be less get rich in proportion as the nation gets than three or four hundred thousand pounds. poor, whose riches do, in fact, spring from If that is not a proof of loyalty, I do not the same sources as the people's poverty. know what is a proof of loyalty. But, To all such accusations; all attempts Mr. Garnier has given a still stronger made at getting popularity amongst the proof of his loyalty; for, not content parishioners at our expence; all attempts with pocketting, out of the public money, at forcing us to give away our money, or twelve thousand pounds a year, under the de- to submit to be represented as hardHomination of profits of his office of Apo-hearted towards the poor; all these at

tempts we shall repel merely by stating, | plating the rencontre between the "piss that Mr. Garnier of Wickham receives tolling privy counsellors." An incident, out of the public money more, every which, though exceedingly degrading to month, than is expended in keeping the the character of the government, is by no poor of Droxford parish for a whole year; means, as I think, to be regretted by the that, if only one tenth part of his income country. On the contrary, I consider it a were distributed amongst the poor of topic of congratulation; and as it is unique, Droxford, there would not need any parish and peculiar to the auspicious reign of his rates at all, for there would be no poor; present majesty, (which may God indefiand that, of course, if he would give up nitely prolong!) and adds one to the many the whole of what he receives from the considerations, which constitute the propublic for doing nothing, it would, for ever, priety of, as also may become an harmotake away all poor, leave not one poor per- nious ingredient in compounding the loyal son, in ten parishes like that of Droxford. By and dutiful Address, which the judicious statements like this we shall always an- Livery of London is so shortly to carry up swer any attempts to make us, who earn what to the throne, I would by no means have we spend, appear hard-hearted to the poor. it omitted in it. The only objection, inWe shall not, upon such occasions, forget, deed, which I see to the including the inthat farmers Parrott and Edney and Chi- cident in the Address, consists in the cadell, and the like; that every man who tastrophe not having been so complete, as possesses any property; aye, and that even one could have wished.-For my own the day-labourer, whose very quid of to- part, I am anxious to see the idea pushed bacco is taxed, assists in maintaining the a little further, and when the Lord Mayor spendid equipage of Mr. Sturges Bourne, furnishes his hot cold beef, I think that a and the rattling coach-and-four of Mr. petit plat representing the duel itself, the Garnier. Yes, Sir, I trust, that the day is combatants and their accessaries in a pale not far distant, when not a man, either in tremulous blanc manger, with a fac simile of Droxford parish or in any other, will want the blood and wound in currant jelly, assistance to make him clearly understand (which Colonel Birch's loyal ingenuity these things; and, as for the present might accomplish to the life) would be essay, if it should prove, in any degree, highly gratifying to the taste of the Jubiconducive to this great purpose, our neigh-lee " Mawmen, as well as be a device in bours will have to thank you much more itself most appropriate and pleasing to the than curious. But as blanc manger in such a situation is a perishable commodity, I would, in order the better to perpetuate and transmit the achievement, have a medal or coin of the value of a half crown, struck, emblematic of the occasion; wherein the united effigies of Lord Castlereagh and Mr. Canning (instead of looking one way as in the coins of William and Mary) might, like Galba's most apposite medal of the Honos and Virtus, be placed vis-a-vis, with a hostile frown at each other. This coin, I will predict, would have a great run in the remote counties, ignorance and curiosity being inseparable; and as a circulating medium is much wanted, the adoption of my proposition in this respect would be a converting, possibly for the first time these 50 years, of the actions of politicians to the benefit of their country. In pursuit of the same thought, I would, as a distinct and separate honour to Mr. Canning, suggest to his majesty's ministers, to the President of the Royal Society, and indeed to his own classical taste, the idea Such is my present predicament, which of another gem, containing an effigy only I therefore esteem unfortunate, in contem-of himself in the attitude of the famous

Your most humble
and most obedient servant,
WM. COBBETT.

The other topics, intended for this sheet, must be postponed.I had prepared an article or two, when Mr. Goodiad's letter was received, this morning, about nine o'clock. I thought it a duty I owed to the public (for it applies to every part of the kingdom) to answer this letter without delay; and, neither of the other articles could be inserted, without dividing them.

PISTOLLING PRIVY COUNSELLORS. « Ill-weav'd ambition, how much art thou

shrunk!"

My Dear Sir;-We think so much alike on all great points, and your very conjectures have been of late so prophetic, that I am inclined most seriously to doubt my own judgment, when it differs from yours even in matters of the most trifling import

ance.

"

C. sent out a Cabinet General, who either would not, or could not, or at least did not fight, (all three being the same to us) the battle necessarily was returned to him, and lay upon his shoulders. And it is, in this regard, that I think Lord Castlereagh acted so very honourably towards us, in his transferring the war campaign from the continent to the cabinet, and in his taking back the battle from the General (who was well pleased to return it) to be fought by the Secretaries. Yet if the sword did little for the noble Lord's reputation amongst the people, disease has been extremely propitious to him; the climate has achieved what was omitted by the enemy: and death has been a most efficient ex post facto colleague to the noble Secretary, making him in this respect ample amends for all Mr. Canning's insincerity! In fine, one may apply to Lord Castlereagh what was poetically said of another noble sufferer:-" Nothing

Gladiator Moriens; and that Lord C. may | valent; or, to speak more diplomatically, not be jealous of this exclusive attention, I to a quid pro quo; that is, they have an would suggest to him the hint of a coin re-equitable right to a battle: Now as Lord presenting himself in brass, as a Gladiator also, holding a little Victoria in one hand, with a convulsive grasp at a seal, which has just fallen from the other.-An imperial coin also, emblematical of the harmony of the cabinet, might be struck, having, as was customary with the emperors, a Concordia on its reverse.-But, to give you my serious reasons why I cordially approve of the duelling or pistolling ministers, distinct from this commemorative view of the matter:-1st, then, I think, it holds out to the people a very pleasing prospect of relief from their misfortunes, without any risk to themselves. 2ndly, to look at it in another light or two: I highly approve of the example of making ministers responsible in their persons for their political misconduct. This is good, extremely good; the transition not being at all abrupt from this to the making them in their persons responsible also to the people, to whom some persons may think a greater responsibility was due, than to each other. And although one might desire to make some little change in the article of execution, (as a death more appropriate than shooting would naturally suggest itself) yet, for the sake of unanimity, I would not cavil about trifles, such as mode or manner; and, therefore, provided substantial justice could at all seasons be obtained for the country, upon the persons of its ministers, I would not be a pedant to investigate whether there might be any solid reason for preferring hemp before lead for the occasion.-3rdly, as a gratifying spectacle to the nation, I must approve of the pistolling in the following point of view, wherein I consider it as a sort of amende honorable to the nation. I reason thus :-An immense sum had been expended by the discharged Right Honourable Pistoller in his warlike expedition against Walcheren; Now we approve of taxes and expenditure, the more lavish the better; it is the more creditable to the spirit and resources of the country; be sides it goes more directly to the goal at which every thing conspires to drive. But when the people of England have turned their very purses inside out, in order to equip a gallant expedition, they do not think, that they have any right to expect it to be conducted with either vigour or success, but they do conceive themselves by a sort of jus gentium entitled to an equi

in his (political) life became him like "the leaving it."-4thly, there is a view which you have taken of this cannonade on Putney Heath, where, in the animated expression of your abhorrence at the indecency of the transaction, you appear to me to have for a moment lost sight of that impartiality, which is the honour of history, and the peculiar glory of your publication. I refer to your allusion to the case of Major Campbell; which you appear in the sometimes indispensible hurry of perusal to have mistaken. Major C. was found guilty of murder by a jury in the ordinary course of law. So found, because there appeared evidence, that he had killed a brother officer, whom he had compelled to fight him under unusual circumstances; leading to violent suspicion of unfairness; corroborated by the dying exclamation of the man who fell. Execution would in due course have followed the sentence upon the verdict. ment so far had nothing to do with it; the ministry, indeed, might have advised the king to remit the punishment, but they did not: and in my opinion this was the best, and, for any thing I know to the contrary, the only good advice they ever gave his majesty. Now surely, my dear Sir, to draw the analogy a little closer, you do not believe, that if providentially Canning had shot Castlereagh, (for we are taught "that not a sparrow falls!" &c.) or vice versa, that Castlereagh had providentially

The govern