VOL. XVI. No. 1.] LONDON, SATURDAY, JULY 8, 1809. [Price 18. "IT is with yourselves, and not with the House of Commons, that a Reform in Parliament must 66 originate." SIR HENRY ST. JOHN MILDMAY'S Speech, at the Essex Meeting, 1st July, 1809. 1] [2 SUMMARY OF POLITICS. appoint to that office none but those who are decidedly of their own polities, and, ESSEX MEETING.It was my intention indeed, who are their own partizans.to have published, this week, my FIFTH The Meeting in Essex, owing to the good LETTER to the People of Hampshire, con- sense and resolution of the gentlemen taining a practical view of the sort of and yeomen of the county, and especially Reform in the House of Commons, which owing to the perseverance of MR. BURis so manifestly wanted, and which is so coYNE, did, however, take place, on Saturloudly called for by all the uncorrupted day last, the 1st instant; and, from all part of the nation; but, there are several that I can learn of it, it appears to have other topics, which will not well admit of beer. one of the most respectable, as well as delay, amongst which is the late Meeting in most numerous meetings, which has been the County of Essex, which will, indeed, held in the kingdom.The Resolutions be found to be very closely connected which were passed, will be found, under with the subject of Reform, but which it the proper head, in another part of this would not be desirable to introduce into sheet. The discussion of them seems to the series of Letters devoted exclusively have been very animated and able; and, to the discussion of that subject. Next it is with great satisfaction that I see that week, and the week after, I intend to pub- Sir Henry Mildmay was in the chair. His lish two Letters, addressed to the King, upon conduct will be greatly blamed by the subjects of the greatest importance to him venal tribe in Hanipshire, and particularly as well as to his people, and in which by the political parsons, who will, I dare Letters I shall, I am convinced, state such say, take off' t'other bottle in drinking to facts as will surprize and fill with indig his perdition; but, even upon principles nation all those who do not profit from of self-preservation, he is evidently right. the monstrous abuses I shall develope.- If, indeed, the chances were great against At page 1010 of the foregoing volume, his living more than a couple of years, it will be found two very interesting docu- might be thought hardly worth while to ments relative to the conduct of the SHE- give himself any trouble about a Reform RIFF of Essex, who refused to call a County of the Parliament; but having, in all proMeeting, first, upon the ground of the bability, forty or fifty years to live, and a subscribers not having designated them- family to bring into the world and to supselves freeholders, and of the inhabitants hav-port, and not having in view any means ing been summoned as well as the free- of getting back again, in place or pension, holders; and, second (when the first ob- any portion of what is taken from him in jection was removed) upon the ground of taxes; thus situated, and foreseeing, as "an application conveyed to him, from a every man, in his senses, must foresee, great number of persons, in various parts that, if this system of taxation go on, the "of the county, expressing an opinion, property will, in the course of another "that such Alccting was unnecessary and twenty or thirty years, all pass from the " inexpedient." In my last, I observed hands of the St. Johns and the Mildmays upon the effect of conduct like this, if it into those of the Huskissons, the Robert was permitted to have any weight in pre-Wards, the Cannings and the Hunns; venting meetings of the people. If it was necessary to have the assent of the Sheriff to hold a meeting of the people, it is manifest, that there would be no meetings, except such as were held at the desire, or command, of the ministry, the Sheriff being, now-a-days, appointed, in fact, by the ministry, who, of course, take care to foreseeing this, and desirous to be able to keep a horse to ride as long as he lives, he must naturally wish for such a Reform in Parliament as will prevent the said transfer of property, or, rather, put a stop to it, the thing being actually now going on. Only observe how it works. Sir Henry Mildmay pays 5007. a year, for instance, in property-tax; that is to say, 500l. worth four years, and obtains a grant from the Dilouts, 4. -Istate, upon unquestionable authority, that, for a week before the meeting, a hot canvass had been carried on to keep people from attending it. That the stewards of placed and pensioned landlords; that Magistrates and Militia Officers, Revenue Officers, Stamp-Distributors, and all the numerous swarm employed in the Barracks and Contracts of various descriptions, had been on the alert for many days before the meeting took place; but that, notwithstanding these precautions, the Shire Hall was crowded, and also the great entrance to it as far as any one could hear or sce.- -It is worthy of remark, that the resolution respecting a Reform of Parliament received more applause than any of the rest. This was, indeed, quite natural; but, it is pleasing to find, that the cause is every where so well understood.- -In SUSSEX, it is said, the same game of a counter-requisition (as they have the effrontery to call it), is now playing to prevent a meeting, and that their Sheriff, too, has refused, under this pretence, to call one; but, the enemies of corruption will, doubtless, follow the example of the people in Essex, and call a meeting without the SheriffIt is good to remark, that in Sussex as well as in Essex, the party-men, on both sides, are equally opposed to a meeting, and most strongly reprobate the intention to call one.- Mr. Burgoyne stated, at the Essex Mceting, that the names to the "counter-requisition," he found, upon examination, to be, in many instances, false; in others, improperly obtained; some by the abuse of the clerical character to political purposes, and that, HAL too, even in the church or vestry. The Clergy really appear to have thrown away the scabbard. They seem to have made up their minds rather to see the whole thing go to wreck, than to suffer a Reform to take place. It would, perhaps, not be difficult to find out the reason; but be the reason what it may, the fuct manifestly is, that, of all the various descriptions who dread a Reform of the parliament, none appear to dread it so much as the Clergy. But, need we wonder at this, when we see how Dr. O'Meara and Mr. Beazeley and others were working for preferment? How many of those, who have obtained benefices, have obtained them by similar means, it is impossible for us to say; but, this we do know, that there has not been one single sermon published against the corruptions and other abominations that have recently come to light. Nothing is more unjust than to condeinn men by classes; but, what are we to do, when we meet with so many of the clergy amongst our bitterest enemies? There are some, and even many, of the clergy who are friends of Parliamentary Reform; I have a letter of one before me at this moment; I know many more of the same description? but, we must follow the rule, and not the exception. The conduct of a few might be passed over in silence for the sake of the many; but, it is the many who are our enemies, and, therefore, if our expressions of resentment are, in some cases, too general, the fault is with the clerical profession, and not with us.The sentiment, expressed by Sir Henry Mildmay, as quoted in my motto, is, to be sure, so just, that every one must agree to it; yet the public-robbers have been continually publishing against it, as if it contained something of a seditious and even of a rebellious nature. But, is it not downright stupidity to suppose, that a reform of any abuse, be its nature and extent what they may, will originate with those who are practising the said abuse? The party so practising may, possibly, upon being applied to, discontinue an abuse; but, if left to itself, is it not foolish in the extreme to expect it to reform? Apply this doctrine to Buonaparté; and who is brute enough to suppose, that he will give up any part of his conquests, until he be forced to do it? But our public-robbers would fain persuade us, that the House of Commons will reform itself without even being asked to do it. I am for asking them to reform themselves; but, I am for doing it through a channel agreed, incredible waste.Mr. Wardle, in his speech, made particular mention of the article of canvas, which was supplied by the very person, who received a salary as inspector of canvass. In answer to this, he was told, that, if he had gone to the Admiralty and pointed out this abuse, it would have been corrected. So; a member of parliament was to go and kick his heels in Mr. Robert Ward's Anti-chamber, till the great man was at leisure to hear his complaints! But, who ever heard of any redress being obtained in this way? Who is foolish enough to suppose, that such applications would afford the smallest chance of redress? If any one is foolish enough, let him look at the fate of ATKINS, the Barrack-Master in the Isle of Wight. The public robbers now say, in their several publications, that they did not want to be told, that a great saving of expence might be made, provided we would disband a considerable part of our forces, and thereby expose ourselves to the consequences of incasion. This is their grand fallacy; it is what they are circulating in all directions. But, from the foregoing recapitulation, it will be seen, that, supposing the troops, which Mr. Wardle would disband, to be necessary to our safety, the saving from that source makes but a comparatively small part of the whole of the savings proposed to be made. There is 80,000l. a year paid to people for over-looking accounts, when it is evident that it is the business, the great and peculiar business of members of parliament to examine into the manner in which the public money is expended. What are they sent to parliament for, if it be not for that? And, after being elected for the purpose of guarding the public purse, they pay 80,000l. of the public money to others to examine into public accounts; and, notwithstanding this enormous expence, it is stated, that there are, at this time, accounts to the amount of FOUR HUNDRED AND FIFTY UNSETTLED! Why, this very circumstance alone proves, and must prove, to any man at all conversant in business, that the loss and waste inust be immense. The consequence of keeping in tow this mass of floating accounts, is, that the accountants are, all the while, held in a state of most abject dependence upon the ministry of the day; a dependence, which, at this hour, many a man inherits from his grandfather, all his property being answerable for what was done thirty or forty years ago. This seems to be almost too much to believe; but the fact is so. I remember, that, in 1800, an American, a friend of mine, came to England in order to assist in getting passed the accounts of General Dalrymple, who had been Quarter-Master-General in America, during the American war, which began in 1776; and I know, that these accounts were not finally passed till some time in 1803; that is to say, till twenty years after the close of the American war. This is a trifle to the age of some accounts, I am told. Is it not impossible that a nation should not be ruined at this rate of going on? Or will the public robbers attempt to make us believe, that these unsettled hundreds of millions, and an endless train of dependents growing out of this abuse; will they attempt to make us believe, that these constitute part of our forces, part of what is to defend us against invasion? An instance of the loss sustained by this system of accounts has recently come to light in the case of JOHN BOWLES and his brother Dutch Commissioners, who, it now appears, snacked ten thousand pounds each the first year; that is to say, fifty thousand pounds. These are a part of the "forces," that Mr. Wardle wishes to disband, and will the robbers pretend, that these are necessary to defend us against Buonaparté ? Buonaparté ? —Then there is a good quarter of a million to be saved by the cutting off of unmerited sinecures, pensions, and reversions. And will the public robbers attempt to persuade us, that LADY LOUISA PAGET, alias LADY LOUISA ERSKINE, who is a pensioner at 3001. a year, under the former name, upon the English list, and at another 3001. a year, ander the latter name, upon the Scotch list; will the public. robbers attempt to persuade us, that thi pensioned daughter of the earl of Ux bridge, or that the two HUNNS, or Mrs EMILY HUSKISSON, or Mrs. What's he name WARD, or any of the endless lis of those who are fastened upon us withou any reason assigned; will the public-rob bers, either in town or country, have th impudence to reckon these amongst th forces, which Mr. Wardle wishes to dis band, and which are necessary to defend th country against invasion? Will they tell u that the enormous sinecures of Lords Arden Buckinghamshire, Camden, Bathurst, Li verpool, Marquis of Buckingham, Mar quis Wellesley, and those of the Seymour and Wellesleys and De Blaquieres, & &c. &c. &c. &c. &c. to the filling of book larger than the New Testament; wi the robbers tell us, that these are part of, our forces, and that to disband them will expose us to the danger of invasion? Will the robbers have the impudence to tell us this? Irather think they will:-There was one head, which Mr. Wardle did not touch upon, and which calls for the attention of the public, without delay; namely, that of the Crown Lands, that is to say, lands, houses, manors, and royalties belonging to the public. These lanis, &c. formerly supported the king and royal family. They formed the hereditary estate of the kings of England and Scotland; and, upon that estate they lived, never coming to the people for any money, except for extraordinary national purposes, such as war, or any great undertaking. Latterly the thing has been changed. The parliament gave the king and his family money out of the taxes, and took the income of the it of the public -966 13 4 There it is; and, the sum paid into the pocket of the public is precisely the same for the three years succeeding, that is to say, from January 1805 to January 1808, notwithstanding many new leases have been let since that time, and notwithstanding the immense quantity of timber and bark that has been sold, and the high prices at which they have been sold, or at least might have been sold. from this estate but 35,000 and some odd What is the gross receipt might be made to bring a hundred pounds a year? I should suppose that times the sum. Let the property be sold; it would, including the timber, fetch twenif sold year after year, in a judicious manty millions of money at the hammer; and ner, I should not be surprised if it brought its yielding clear to the public the pitiful three times that sum. But, only think of sum of 98ol. 138. 4d. a year! Why give us that sum? Why not carry that along in the balance? Twelve thousand pounds in one year for the woods and forests What! And no securing and improving credit given us for timber and bark cut and sold? Or, is that included in the 9667. 13s. 4d.? Oh! these are brave stewards is so large, they bring their accounts to that we have! You see, though the estate balance to a farthing. Hampshire, see a little about the manageWe, who live in ment of "woods and forests." There is, for instance, a pretty smash of timber this year, in the HOLT FOREST. year; the year ending on the 5th of Ja-bring us, poor fellows, only 9661. 13s. 4d. ? Will that nuary, 1805. The fifth of January, you Is the amount of timber and bark not inwill perceive; for the accounts of our cluded in these accounts? stewards are like those of no other mortal. is it to be found? If it does not come Where, then, under the head of Crown Lands, it comes no where. Some timber may be sent to the Dock Yards; but, the bark, I presume, is not; and that is worth nearly as much as the timber. Besides, we see, every year, advertisements for the sale of tim ber as well as bark in the public forests. hereditary estate for the use of the public. The estate still goes under the name of Crown Lands; but, the fact is, that it is a real estate belonging to the public, and of which the parliament may dispose as it pleases. Now, then, let us see what this estate yields us annually. Let us see what it brings into the Exchequer, that is to say, into the pocket of the public. It used formerly to maintain, in great part, at least, the royal family and all the household and officers of the king. In lieu of it the public allows the king an immense sum of money annually, and to the different branches of his family the sum is not much less. Well, what does this famous estate yield us? What do we get annually out of all these buildings, streets, farms, manors, forests, and royalties, the very list of which occupies many pages in folio? What do they all yield us? Why, 266l. 13s. 4d. No more. The same sum every year Let us see the items of the account for one CROWN LANDS. Balance in hand last year...... £21,543 13 9 Total........ DEDUCT. Charges of manage ment 2,345 5 94 Peusions and stipends .35,163 9 1 ..56,712 2 102 -Upon the whole this is a very pretty concern. It is, I think, a fact worth bearing in mind, that an estate, in lieu of which the public gives hundreds of thousands a year, yields to that public exactly |