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especially, a Mahratta Brahman, who “ of the Christian religion. In respect was known to some persons in England “ of my complaint, he recommended when he visited it as the Pandit of the some simple medicines, but advised, Maharája Dhulip Singh, and now works “ above all, that I should apply myself under the Benares missionaries as a “to God in prayer, to lead my mind catechist, unites the most earnest con- “ into the truth, and to grant me bodily scientiousness and simple-minded hu- healing. I complied with his advice, mility to varied and thoughtful learning. " and obtained a perfect cure.

I then Truly such men are in Hindostan the “ asked him what I should do for the salt of the earth and the light of the name of Jesus Christ. He advised world ; and though as yet perhaps their " that as I had felt the benefit of the influence is little felt, yet to increase " advice which he had given, I ought to their number must be the earnest effort “ consult the benefit of my countrymen, of our missionaries, or rather of all true “ and with this view found a school for Christians, for to them we niust look as “education in English, Bengali, Perthe instruments through whom the “ sian, and Hindi. In compliance with English nation may hope to accomplish “ Mr. Wheatly's advice, I set about the noblest and holiest work which God establishing such a school, and with has given us to do—the conversion of “the help of my friends raised a fund India to the faith of Christ.

“ to supply 200 rupees a month for the G. E. L. C. “ endowment of it. Afterwards, Mr.

“ Wheatly, failing in business, became Note on Jay Narain's Foundation.- “ himself the first schoolmaster. His The following extracts from a letter, plan was first to instruct my family dated August, 1818, and preserved in in Christianity, and pray with them ; the records of Jay Narain's College, are “ and then to teach the English laninteresting as recording some of the guage to the scholars who attended. feelings and struggles of an educated “He continually taught me that from Hindu, desirous of enlightenment for "joining in prayer and reading the himself and his countrymen.

The scriptures no loss of caste was inwriter never made up his mind publicly “ volved, but piety would be increased. to profess Christianity, and died without “ After a short time Mr. Wheatly baptism.

died.. I had heard through him “ It is now many years since I fell “ of the Rev. Mr. Corrie, and through very ill, and, leaving Calcutta, came to “ him had sent a small donation with a “ reside at Benares, where I used every

“ letter to the British and Foreign Bible “possible means known to Hindus in “ Society. I often prayed that he might “ order to get well. Mr. Duncan, who come to Benares; and at length he was at that time Resident at Benares, came to reside at this place.

From " and was my particular friend, pro- “ the information communicated by him 1 cured for me also the assistance of respecting the Church Missionary So"several European surgeons, who were ciety ... I determined upon making “ not able to afford me relief. At length the Calcutta committee of that society "a Hindu, who had been very ill, pro- “ the trustees of my school, .. and “ cured some medicine and advice from legal measures are in progress for

a merchant, Mr. Wheatly, by which “ transferring the school endowment " he obtained a

On this I permanently into their hands. In the “also sought acquaintance with Mr. “ meantime, my house in Bengali Tolah, " Wheatly.

He gave me a New Tes- “ which cost me 48,000 rupees in build“tament, and I bought of him a Book “ing, has been appropriated for the “ of Common Prayer. He often passed “school-house, and Mr. Adlington has “ much time with me in explaining the “ begun to give instruction in the meaning of these books, and wrote

1 He afterwards increased it to nearly double many letters also to me on the subject this amount.

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“ English tongue. . . . But I long “ most urgently request the honourable

greatly that the most effectual means “ Church Missionary Committee to take “ may be used for enlightening the measures for sending a printing“ minds of my countrymen.

press to Benares, with one or two " therefore, anxious to have also a “suitable missionaries to superintend “printing-press established at Benares, “it-men of learning, who may be able “by which school-books might be “ to satisfy the learned of this ancient “speedily multiplied, and treatises on city on matters of science and history “ different subjects printed and dis- as well as of religion. ... As the “persed throughout the country. With- “ Society liberally expends its funds for “ out this the progress of knowledge “ the benefit of mankind, there is no “ must be very slow, and the Hindus place where their labours are likely to

long remain in their very fallen state, “ be more beneficial than at Benares. “ which is a very painful consideration (Signed) “JAY NARAIN GHOSAL." " to a benevolent mind. I therefore

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MORE POLITICAL ETHICS: THE NEAPOLITAN REVOLUTION,

AND THE FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW.

BY THE REV. F. D. MAURICE.

I am par

If they

wrong.

In the last number of this Magazine I case. My own remarks have made me ventured to make some comments on a suspected by very kind and just critics passage in Mr. Froude's "History." They of holding opinions which would be at touched upon a very grave question of least as dangerous as any that I could public morality. They were intended have attributed to him. to vindicate what I conceive was the ticularly thankful that my observations spirit of Mr. Froude's note—at all events, should be brought to the test which I what I am sure is the spirit of the myself demanded for them, that of their writer—from a misconstruction to which application to our own times. his words seemed to me to be liable. My will not bear that test they must be first complaint of them was, that, by draw- wrong, and I hope that I shall be ing too sharp a distinction between the most ready to confess that they are ethical maxims of the sixteenth century and of the nineteenth, they threatened If I were merely continuing an old to deprive us of some of the valuable topic, still more if I were merely justifylessons from the history of the former ing myself, I should feel that I had no which no one had more successfully business to occupy more space in the drawn out than Mr. Froude. My second columns of a magazine which is bound was, that, by too hastily adopting a pre- to seek for variety, and the readers of valent confusion between the claims of which cannot be interested in the conscience and the claims of private opinions of a particular man. But the judgment, the writer had suggested the criticisms to which I have alluded in. thought that the duties of a citizen, and troduce new and stirring questions especially of a soldier, must be tried by questions that are of the profoundest a different law from that which we interest to us all at the present moment. apply to the highest questions of all. The tone in which they have been ex

Since the article appeared, I have had pressed can cause nothing but gratitude proofs that I should have been most in the person who is the object of them, unjust as well as most uncharitable, if and the principle which they involve is I had pronounced judgment upon Mr. so serious that it deserves all the reflecFroude for what appeared to me an in- tion that can be bestowed upon itaccuracy in his method of stating his all the light that can be brought from

any

“ wise saws or modern instances” to after the deposition of Richard, to an anbear upon it.

archy of private judgments, the interest The first objection to which I refer is ceases; we are sure that on some terms contained in a very intelligente and that anarchy must end. So that, I befriendly notice of Mr. Froude's work in lieve, a civil war, while it makes that the. Examiner of October 6th. - The simple obedience which I demanded of writer agrees with me, both in my high the soldier in a state of peace and order estimate of the “History," and in my he- impossible, yet illustrates very strikingly itation respecting the apology for Cecil's the distinction upon which I rested the conduct which was contained in the demand. note. But he thinks that my dootrine I do not, however, for a single instant respecting the duty of a soldier to fulfil confound the struggle in which a Hamphis task as a defender of his country, den might be found on one side, and a without debating the question in his Falkland on the other, with the Italian mind whether any specific war upon struggle of our day. I try to believe which she has entered ought to have that good men may be so attached to been commenced, might oblige a Neapo- the symbols of order with which they litan soldier to follow the fortunes of have been familiar from their nurseries, Francis IL rather than to pledge himself as to think that they should cling to to the cause of Garibaldi. I thought of those symbols when they express only alluding to this topic myself in the outrage upon order, the contempt of course of my article ; I believe it was written and confessed law, the breach an omission not to do so. I am glad of all promises that bind gentlemen, that the writer in the Examiner gives the violation of all oaths by which creame an opportunity of rectifying the tures appeal to the judgment of their mistake.

Creator. With these, as with all personal Before I refer to the special case of cruelties to brave, faithful, enduring Naples, I must take leave to remark citizens, which it is simple Atheism to that the terms of my proposition clearly suppose are not hateful in the sight of presume the existence of a settled go- Almighty God, the name of Francis II. vernment, under which the soldier is is associated. Let him shift his plea to serving and which he has no doubt what- what court he pleases ; let it be one ever is the government of his country. where the strict letter of the law is enA civil war of necessity raises this doubt. forced ; let it be one of equity or When it has begun, the soldier must chivalry ; the sentence must be the decide what is the service of his country.

In the highest of all, the ratiHow agonising that question became in fication must be the most complete. the case of our own Civil War, every When the question is presented to the one knows. The Parliament invoked Neapolitan soldier, “ Is the service of the name of the King against the King. your country the service of the man It became at last an idle, insincere who upholds this state of things, or the formula ; but in the beginning of the service of a man who comes to protest war it expressed faithfully the conflict “ in the name of justice, law, and God, in men's minds, the question where the “ against this state of things?”—I can legitimate authority dwelt. And that but see one answer. Even if there had question was not settled by private

not settled by private not been granted to the Italian of the judgments. A conscience of law, of its nineteenth century all the same signs unutterable sacredness, of the obligation of God-desertion which were gra

ed to which it imposes—a conscience rising

s—a conscience rising the Englishman of 1688—in what some out of that of an actual, personal Law- have called our silken revolution-even giver and King to whom all rulers must if the sceptre had not dropped from bow-gives that period its unspeakable the hands of the Bourbon as it dropped interest for all generations of English from the hands of the Stuart, and at men. When that conscience gave place, the rumour of a feebler, less-disciplined

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force than that which landed in Torbay— clerical, to consider what obligations that I should still deem the conscience of a profession will impose upon him, and people more hopelessly sunk than the whether he can faithfully accept those Neapolitan conscience has proved itself obligations. The more distinctly those to be if it could hesitate in making this obligations are set forth to him, the decision. But I adhere to the words. more opportunity he has for arriving at It is the conscience of the people and of a decision upon this point. There may each man that has decided in favour of be special obligations imposed, or likely Garibaldi, and against the King. All to be imposed, upon a soldier, a lawyer, evidence appears to show that if the or a clergyman, which would deter a patriot leader forgets that fact, if he man from becoming any one of the suffers private judgment about forms of three. A man, for instance, at the comgovernment to interfere with the ver- mencement of the American war might dict of that conscience,-if he is not have determined that he would just prepared to sacrifice his own private then rather be something else than a judgment—the great cause for which he soldier, because service against his own has fought and suffered so magnificently kinsmen, or against men whose cause he may be utterly marred. Modern revolu- thought a reasonable one, would be à tions, then, like those of other days, service to which he could not give his bear witness to the permanence of that whole heart. There is this general distinction which we in our ease and obligation involved in the very act of a carelessness are continually tempted to man becoming a soldier, that he shall do obliterate.

what he is set to do to the very utmost The other objection to my opinion of his energy and ability. I hold this was raised in a letter from a valued to be an honest, righteous obligationfriend, whose opinion on all political an obligation implied in the very idea of and moral questions I should rate very citizenship; an obligation which a man highly. He asks me whether on my who accepts it should consider in the principle it would not be needful for a very highest degree laid upon his concitizen of an American free State to en- science. And, I maintain, there should force the provisions of the Fugitive Slave be no arrière pensée when the time comes Law? I cannot, of course, dispose of for fulfilling this obligation. The solthat question in the same way as of that dier ought not to say,

“Oh! but this which was raised by the Examiner. The particular war is not one I like; not United States are a settled community; one to which, if I were a legislator, I its Legislature has deliberately sanctioned “would have consented; therefore I shall the maxim, that a slave escaping from “ be doing a righteous act in not going any of the States in which slavery is “ into it.” I contend that he would be permitted into those wherein it does doing an unrighteous act in not going not exist, shall be treated as the pro- into it; he would be sacrificing his perty of his master, and delivered up to conscience to his private judgment. him. Why should the official, civil or Apply these considerations to the military, of any free State set up his Fugitive Slave Law. A man has, (1) private judgment, or what he would call either notice of the existence of that his conscience, against this statute, if law before he undertakes an office the English sailor or soldier may not which might compel him to assist in set up his favourite judgment on what the execution of it; or, (2) it has he would call his conscience, against the been passed while he is holding his Chinese war ? That, if I understand office. I hold that his plain duty is, him, is my friend's question.

not to accept the office which would inNow, I never doubted that it is the volve an act that he deems immoral, or, duty of a man in England, or in any to resign his office if a new task which other country, before he enters any pro- he did not contemplate at the time of fession, the military, the legal, or the accepting it is forced upon him. But I

any “wise saws or modern instances” to after the deposition of Ricles bear upon it.

archy of private judgmenta The first objection to which I refer is ceases; we are sure thatom contained in a very intelligent and that anarchy must end. friendly notice of Mr. Froude's work in lieve, a civil war, while the. Examiner of October 6th. The simple obedience which writer agrees with me, both in my high the soldier in a state of estimate of the History," and in my he- impossible, yet illustrates itation respecting the apology for Cecil's the distinction upon w conduct which was contained in the demand. note. But he thinks that my doctrine I do not, however, for respecting the duty of a soldier to fulfil confound the struggle his task as a defender of his country, den might be found on without debating the question in his Falkland on the other mind whether any specific war upon struggle of our day. which she has entered ought to have that good men may been commenced, might oblige a Neapo- the symbols of order litan soldier to follow the fortunes of have been familiar Francis II. rather than to pledge himself as to think that to the cause of Garibaldi. I thought of those symbols who alluding to this topic myself in the

outrage upon order course of my article ; I believe it was written and conic an omission not to do so. I am glad

I am glad of all promise
that the writer in the Examiner gives the violation of
me an opportunity of rectifying the tures appeal to
mistake.

Creator. With
Before I refer to the special case of cruelties to be
Naples, I must take leave to remark citizens, which
that the terms of my proposition clearly suppose are
presume the existence of a settled go- Almighty God
vernment, under which the soldier is is associntei.
serving and which he has no doubt what- what court to
ever is the government of his country. where the
A civil war of necessity raises this doubt. for
When it has begun, the soldier mustele
decide what is the service of his country,
How agonising that question became
the case of our own Civil War, er
one knows. The Parliament inve
the name of the King against the
It became at last an idle, in
formula ; but in the beginnin
war it expresser llyt
in men's minds,

tio
legitimate auth
question was
judgments. A
unutterable sa
which it im
out of that of
giver and Kin
bow-gives +
interest for
men. Wher

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