32. Our caufe is just. Our union is perfect. Our inter nal resources are great; and, if neceffary, foreign affil tance' is undoubtedly attainable. We gratefully ac knowledge, as fignal instances of the Divine favor towards us, that Providence would not permit us to be called into the fevere controversy, until we were grown up to our present strength, and had been previously exercised in warlike operations, and poffefsed of the means of defending ourselves.

33. With hearts fortified with these animating reflections we most folemnly, before God and the world, declare, that exerting the utmost energy of those powers, which our beneficient Creator has gracionfly bestowed upon us, the arms we have been compelled by our enemies to affume, we will in defiance of every hazard, with unabating firmness and perfeverence, employ for the prefervation of our liberties; being, with one mind, refolved : to die freemen rather than to live slaves.

we

not

34. Left this declaration should difquiet the minds of our friends and fellow fubjects in any part of the empire, affure them that we mean to diffolve that union which has so long and so happily fubfifted between us, and which we fincerely wish to fee restored. Neceffity has not yet driven us into that defperate meafure, or induced us to excite any other nation to war against them.

35. We have not raifed armies with ambitious defigns of feparating from Great-Britain, and establishing independent ftates. We fight not for glory or for conquest. We exhibit to mankind the remarkable spectacle of a people attacked by unprovoked enemies, without an imputation or even fufpicion of offence. They boast of their privi- ledges and civilization, and yet proffer no milder conditions than fervitude or death.

36. In our own native land, in defence of the freedom that is our birth right, and which we ever enjoyed till the late violation of it; for the protection of our property, acquired folely by the honeft industry of our forefathers and ourselves, against violence actually offered, we have taken up arms. We shall lay them down when hoftilities shall cease on the part of the aggreflors, and all danger of their being renewed shall be removed, and not before.

37.. With an humble confidence in the mercies of the Supreme and impartial Judge and Ruler of the univerfe, we most devoutly implore his divine goodness to protect us happily through this great conflict, to dispose our adversaries to reconciliation on reasonable terms, and thereby to relieve the empire from the calamities of civil

war.

ELOQUENCE.

Extract from Mr. AMES Speech in Congress on the subject of executing the Treaty between the United States and Great-Britain.

1.

THE consequences of refusing to make provifion for the treaty are not all to be foreseen. By rejecting, vast interests are committed to the sport of the winds. Chance becomes the arbiter of events, and it is forbidden to human forefight to count their number, or measure their extent. Before we refolve to leap into this abyss, so dark and so profound, it becomes us to pause and reflect upon fuch of the dangers as are obvious and inevitable. If this assembly should be wrought into a temper to defy these confequences, it is vain, it is deceptive to pretend that we can escape them. It is worse than weakness to fay, that as to public faith, our note has already fettled the question. Another tribunal than our own is already erected. The public opinion, not merely of our own country, but of the enlightened world, will pronounce a judgement that we cannot refift, that we dare not even affect to despise.

2. Well may I urge it to men who know the worth of character, that it is no trivial calamity to have it contested. Retufing to do what the treaty Ripulates shall be done, opens the controversy. Even if we should stand justified at last, a character that is vindicated is something worse than it stood before, unquestioned and unquestionable. Like the plaintiff in an action of slander, we recover a reputation disfigured by invective, and even tarnished by too much handling. In the combat for the honor of the nation, it may receive some wounds, though they should heal, will leave scars. I need not fay, for furely the feelings of every bofom have anticipated, that we cannot guard this sense of national honor, this enlivening fire which alone keeps patriotism warm in the heart, with a fensibility too vigilant and jealous.

3. If, by execusing the treaty, there is no possibility of dishonor, and if, by rejecting, there is fome foundation for doubt and for reproach, it is not for me to meafure, it is for your own feelings to estimate, the vast diftance that divides the one fide of the alternative from the other.

4. To expatiate on the value of public faith may pafs with fome men for declamation to such men I have nothing to say. To others I will urge, can any circumftance mark upon a people more turpitude and debasement? Can any thing tend more to make men think themselves mean, or degrade to a lower point their estimation of virtue and their standard of action.

5. It would not merely demoralize mankind; it tends to break all the ligaments of society, to diffolve that mysterious charm which attracts individuals to the nation, and to inspire in its stead a repulfive fenfe of shame and disguft.

6. What is patriotism ? Is it a narrow affection for the fpot where a man was born? Are the very clods where we tread entitled to this ardent preference because they are greener? No fir, this is not the character of the virtue, and it foars higher for its object. It is an extended felf-love, mingling with all the enjoyments of life, and twifting itself with the minutest filaments of the heart. It is thus we obey the laws of fociety, because they are the laws of virtue. In their authority we fee, not the array of force and terror, but the venerable image of our country's honor. Every good citizen makes that honor his own, and cherishes it not only as precious, but as facred. He is willing to risk his life in its defence, and is confcious that he gains protection while he gives itFor what rights of a citizen will be deemed inviolable, when a state renounces the principles that constitute their security? Or, if his life should not be invaded, what would its enjoyments be, in a country odious in the eyes of strangers, and dishonored in his own? Could he look with affection and veneration to such a country, as his parent ? The fenfe of having one would die with

?

in him, he would blush for his patriotism, if he retained

any, and juftly, for it would be a vice. He would be a Danished man in his native land.

7. I fee-no exception to the respect that is paid among nations to the law of good faith. If there are cales in this enlightened period, when it is violated, there are none when it is decried. It is the philofophy of politics, the religion of governments. It is obferved by barbarians-a whiff of tobacco smoke or a string of beads, gives not merely binding force, but fanctity to treaties. Even in Algiers, a truce may be bought for money, but when ratified, even Algiers is too wife or too just to difown and anwul its obligation. Thus we fee neither the ignorance of favages, nor the principles of an affociation for piracy and rapine, permit a nation to despise its engagements. If, fir, there could be a refurrection from the foot of the gallows, if the victims of justice could live again, collect together and form a fociety, they would however loath, foon find themselves obliged to make justice, that justice under which they fell, the fundamental law of their state. They would perceive it was their interest to make others refpect, and they would, therefore foon pay fome refpect themselves to the obligations of good

faith.

8. It is painful, I hope it is fuperfluous, to make even the fuppofition that America should furnish the occafion of this opprobium. No, let me not even imagine, that a republican government ipring, as our own is, from a people enlightened and uncorrupted, a government whose original right, and whose daily difcipline is duty, can, upon folemn debate, make its option to be faithlefs-can dare to act what despots dare not avow, what our own example evinces, the ftates of Barbary are unfufpected of. No, let me rather make the fuppofition that Great-Britain refafes to execute the treaty, after we have done every thing to carry it into effect. Is there any language of reproach pungent enough to express your commentary on the fact? What would you fay, or rather what would you not fay? Would you not tell them, wherever an Englishman - might travel, thame would stick to him he would difown his country. You would exclaim, England proud of your wealth, and arrogant in the poffeffion of power-blush for

R

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these become the vehicles of your dishonor. Such a nation might truly say, to corruption, Thou art my father, and to the worm, Thou art my mother and any fifter. We thould fay of fuch a race of men their name is a heavier burden than their debt.

9. The refusal of the posts (inevitable if we reject the treaty) is a measure too decisive in its nature to be neutral in its consequences. From great causes we are to look for great effects. A plain and obvious one will be, the price of the western lands will fall. Settlers will not chuse to fix their habitation on a field of battle. Those who talk so much of the interest of the United States should calculate how deeply it will be affected by rejecting the treaty-how vast a tract of wild land will almost cease to be property. This lofs, let it be obferved, will fall upon a fand expressly devoted to fink the national debt. What then are we called upon to do? However the form of the vote and the protestations of many may disguise the proceeding, our resolution is in substance, and it deferves to wear the title of a refolution to prevent the fale of the western lands and the discharge of the public debt.

10. Will the tendency to Indian hoftility be contefted by any one ? Experience gives the answer. The frontiers were scourged with war. till the negociation with GreatBritain was far advanced, and then the state of hoftility, ceafed. Perhaps the public agents of both nations were innocent of fomenting the Indian war, and perhaps they are not. We ought not however to expect that neighboring nations, highly irritated against each other, will neglect the friendship of the savages, the traders will gain an influence, and will abuse it and who is ignorant that their paffions are eafily raised and hardly restrained from violence? Their fituation will oblige them to chuse between this country and Great Britain in cafe the treaty should be rejected... They will not be our friends and at the fame time the friends of our enemies.

11. If any, against all these proofs should maintain that the peace with the Indians will be stable without the posts, to them I will urge another reply. From arguments calculated to produce conviction, I will appeal